Select THREE (3) of the following five (5) questions to answer. Save your answers in an MS Word document and submit the document to the correct folder in UM Learn / Assessment / Assignments BEFORE t

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Select THREE (3) of the following five (5) questions to answer.

Save your answers in an MS Word document and submit the document to the correct folder in UM Learn / Assessment / Assignments BEFORE the deadline. You will have only one opportunity to submit your exam, Be careful to submit the correct file.

·      Answers must be in sentences and paragraphs – NO bullet points, no images or other inserts.

·      Use single-spacing.

·      Indicate the question number for each answered question.

·      List the sources used after EACH question response.

·       Number the pages in your exam document.

·       No title page is required.

No outside research is expected or required. Make sure cited course materials are referenced fully and correctly and listed at the end of each answer. APA referencing format guidelines can be found at:

Advice re: answer word length: If your answer to a question is not at least 350 words, you haven’t written enough to earn a passing grade. On the other hand, if any answer is more than 1000 words, you might have overdone it and written more than necessary (though this can vary).

QUESTIONS (select 3 to answer)

1.    With reference to lectures, readings and relevant additional course materials, define ‘digital food geographies’ and discuss the effects of social media on food consumption.

2.    Define and distinguish between food security and food sovereignty. Using examples from lectures and course readings, explain how considering food as a right or as an obligation adds to our thinking about these concepts.


Discuss how the concept of ‘embodiment’ helps us understand foodways, with reference to both the Waitt (2014) and Ehlert (2021) course readings and lectures. Include specific details in your discussion.

Select THREE (3) of the following five (5) questions to answer. Save your answers in an MS Word document and submit the document to the correct folder in UM Learn / Assessment / Assignments BEFORE t
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Select THREE (3) of the following five (5) questions to answer. Save your answers in an MS Word document and submit the document to the correct folder in UM Learn / Assessment / Assignments BEFORE t
Contents lists available atScienceDirect Technological Forecasting & Social Change journal Analysing acculturation to sustainable food consumption behaviour in the social media through the lens of information di ffusion Sonal Choudhary a, Rakesh Nayak b,c, ⁎ , Sushma Kumari c, Homagni Choudhury d aShe ffield University Management School, University of She ffield, Conduit Road, She ffield S10 1FL, UKbLeanSig Limited, She ffield S20 2PD, UKcHull University Business School, University of Hull, Cottingham Road, Hull HU6 7XR, UKdDepartment of Economics, School of Law, Social and Behavioural Sciences, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Kingston University, UK ARTICLE INFO Keywords: Acculturation Social media Information di ffusion Sustainable behaviour Food consumption ABSTRACT Drawing on theories of acculturation and information di ffusion, this paper examines whether social media usage, intergroup contacts and information dissemination in fluence the cultural adaptation of three ethnic groups, and its implications on sustainable consumption behaviour. Twenty-four semi-structured interviews containing multiple dimensions of social media uses, acculturation, food consumption behaviour, and information di ffusion were administered to a sample of Indians (living in the home country), British Indians (living in the host country for more than 10 years) and White British (natives of Britain) users of social media. Our findings suggest that there is a clear link between the integrated strategy of acculturation and information di ffusion on social media, which infl uences acculturation to sustainable food consumption behaviour among social media users. Managerial implications of this research finding are that intervention in information di ffusion aids acculturation through the social media, which serves to infuse social media and sustainability strategist with knowledge to best infl uence the consumers in developing sustainable food consumption behaviour. This research also identi fies opportunities to expand this academic research and contribute further to the theories of remote acculturation on which limited research has been done. 1. Introduction The theory of acculturation, envisaged initially in the fields of so- ciology and anthropology in early 20th century ( Park and Burgess, 1921 ;Red field et al., 1936 ), often explains intricacies of the process involved in people to people (or migrants) interactions from diverse cultural backgrounds when subjected to continuous contact with each other. Based on their perspective towards their own and new cultural contexts ( Berry, 1980, 1997 ), some of the migrants opt to adopt from the acculturation strategies of assimilation, integration, segregation or marginalisation. Some, for instance, go for “integration ”by maintaining ties to their own cultures while adopting some practices and beliefs of the new culture. However, the acculturation processes appear to be complex and have often been addressed unclear and inconsistent ways within the literature ( Berry and Sam, 1997). While most of the acculturation theories primarily focus on physical movement of migrants, there is a vacuum of studies that address the emergence of virtual acculturation aided by cross cultural integration over social media and facilitated by increasing information dissemination. Immigration of people from one country to another, either permanently or temporarily, gradually exposes them to di fferent cultures, food, clothes and customs. While socialisation facilitates learning of nuances of the culture one grows in, acculturation entails the interaction of at least two cultures, aiding the process of adaptation and assimilation of the person to the values and standards of a new culture ( Mendoza, 1989 ;Rudmin, 2003). Physical migration exposes migrants to an obscure process of adaptation to unknown physical, biological (food, health), economic, social, and cultural conditions often creating consequential psychological stress among such migrants ( Simons, 1901 ;Tajfel and Turner, 1986; Berry and Sam, 1997;Marsh and Sahin-Dikmen, 2002; Luedicke, 2011). However, with the emer- gence of Internet and increasing use of social media, migration is no longer a precondition for people to coalesce with people from other lifestyles, food habits, professions, political views, religiosities, ethni- cities and ideologies. Social media and Internet platforms can increase exposure of non-migrants to diverse cultures in which they have never lived thus aiding in remote acculturation ( Ferguson and Bornstein, 2012 ). In their study, Ferguson and Bornstein (2012) explain remote Received 3 December 2017; Received in revised form 27 September 2018; Accepted 12 October 2018 ⁎Corresponding author at: LeanSig Limited, She ffield S20 2PD, UK. E-mail address: [email protected] (R. Nayak). Technological Forecasting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481–492 Available online 30 October 2018 0040-1625/ Crown Copyright © 2018 Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. T acculturation as a new form of acculturation that can occur by dis- continuous and/or indirect interaction between two historically and geographically separated cultures through emerging mechanisms of globalisation such as social media.Although, the degree of convenience and reachability provided by social media platforms in assimilation, integration or acculturation may not always be homogenous, the fact is that it facilitates engagement between groups that share similar values and beliefs regardless of geographical distance ( Phillips, 2008).Bjork and Magnusson (2009) state that an individual with high number of social contacts is more likely to generate new ideas by embracing, processing and embarking upon new information. In this way the social media facilitates in- formation di ffusion, which is a process how certain information or knowledge is disseminated and reaches individuals through interac- tions on social media ( Zafarani et al., 2014). However, there is limited research that explores such relationship. Where culture is seen as a learned experience acquired by in- dividuals in the course of interacting with others, it incorporates me- chanisms for change while preserving traditions such as food habits or consumptions. Food habits, which are basically predictable and stable, are part of this dynamic process that paradoxically undergoes con- tinuous and constant evolution ( Fieldhouse, 1995). Being a cultural symbol ( Verbeke and Lo ́ pez, 2005), food is one of the important cul- tural attributes that humans start learning from childhood and resist to change their food habits at an older age ( Cervellon and Dubé , 2005 ). While existing literature has primarily focused on traditional ac- culturation theories, there is no attempt, in our knowledge, that links the appropriation of social media to its in fluence on remote ac- culturation to sustainable food habits. Food being such an important part of the acculturation process, this study explores whether social media, through information di ffusion, is able to in fluence the behaviour of consumers towards acculturation to sustainable consumption of food, thereby encouraging consumption of healthy food as well as reduction of food waste in the household. Therefore, exploring how consumers could be infl uenced or driven to- wards sustainable consumption behaviour can be closely associated with one of the important areas of research in food security. In this paper we undertake semi-structured interviews of twenty- four social media users to understand how information di ffusion on social media related to cooking, eating habits, storage, preservation, consumption, new recipes, food technology and recycling facilitates acculturation to sustainable consumption behaviour. We study three groups of respondents –Indians (living in the home country), British Indians (living in the host country for more than 10 years) and white British (natives of Britain) –to understand how the rampant use of social media enables exchange of information related to food and create enough awareness to share and adopt best possible behaviour with a potential to reduce food waste. Our sample for analysis consists of three distinct groups and we assess the manifestations of their acculturation process, which is in fluenced by information di ffusion on social media. It helps us to further explore issues related to sustainable consumption behaviour among the food consumers. Rest of the paper is structured as follows: Section 2presents a re- view of the literature on traditional acculturation studies highlighting the importance of food in those studies, which in turn enables us to identify the research gaps in the literature and speci fic research ques- tions to achieve the broader aims of the paper. Section 3describes the research design and methodology used to answer the research questions stated in the preceding section. Section 4presents our analysis along with a detailed discussion of the results, emphasising the contribution of this paper to the literature as well as the wider industry and policy analysts. We conclude in Section 5summarising the key findings, our contribution to knowledge and practice and outline the future research direction originating from the research limitations. 2. Literature review 2.1. Ethnic identity and traditional acculturation Many previous studies have viewed ethnic identity and accultura- tion as two interdependent concocts that drive consumer acculturation and behaviour ( Persky and Birman, 2005; Penaloza, 1994a:Penaloza, 1995 ;Phinney et al., 2001 ). These studies suggest that when consumers have a strong ethnic identity, they will be less acculturated to the new cultural environment compared to consumers whose ethnic identity is weak. Ethnic-identity is termed as identi fication with a group, which is distinguished by religion, colour, language, clothes, food habits or some other attributes that are common ( Maldonado and Patriya, 1999). Appiah (2001) states that ethnic identity could be distinguished from an individual’s behaviour and attitude that are synonymous with their core cultural values. This identity often comprises of language, religion, food, customs, dress, product use and media use among others. Red field et al. (1936) originally defined acculturation as “those phenomena, which result when groups of individuals having di fferent cul- tures come into continuous first-hand contact with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups ”(p. 149). Similarly, Berry (2005) defines acculturation as “the dual process of cultural and psy- chological change that takes place as a result of contact between two or more cultural groups and their individual members ”(p. 698). The above defi – nitions comprehend that acculturation emerges when one experiences cross-cultural contactdue to physical migration from one geographical location to another, and we refer to this as traditional acculturation in the context of our research. However, in a highly globalised world, we cannot restrict “contact ”to primarily physical contact, for instance, contact can also be made through social media platforms. 2.1.1. Acculturation outcomes and strategies Previous research on traditional acculturation highlights that in- dividuals experience varying degrees of acculturative stress such as depression, identity confusion, anxiety and feelings of being margin- alized when di fferent cultural groups interact ( Berry et al., 1987; Forbush and Foucault-Welles, 2016). In order to respond to such ac- culturative stress, individuals choose di fferent acculturation strategies, which are also referred as acculturation outcomes in the literature ( Berry, 2005 ;Berry, 2008; Cappellini and Yen, 2013 ; Forbush and Foucault-Welles, 2016 ).Berry (2008) described four responses of in- dividuals (immigrants) undergoing acculturation such as: (i) Assimila- tion , where immigrants adopt the dominant new culture and abandon their original one, (ii) Integration, where they embrace both new and old cultures, (iii) Separation, where they withdraw from the new culture and maintain their original one or (iv) Marginalisation, where they en- tail a withdrawal from both cultures ( Berry, 2008). A four-pattern ty- pology of acculturation was also proposed by Mendoza and Martinez Jr. (1981) , of which three of those corresponded to Berry’s patterns: ‘cul- tural shift ’(analogous to assimilation), ‘cultural incorporation ’(in- tegration), ‘cultural resistance ’(similar to separation), and ‘cultural transmutation ’(can be similar to marginalisation where a modi fication of native and alternative cultural norms create a unique subcultural entity). Research on such di fferent acculturation outcomes is predominantly seen in the area of consumer research, where existing studies have looked at how consumption of speci fic items, such as food ( Cappellini and Yen, 2013 ;Laroche et al., 2005 ), media and clothing ( Lee and Tse, 1994 ), demonstrate immigrants’ relations with their ethnic and host culture ( Rossiter and Chan, 1998). There is still an on-going debate in the literature regarding whether or not consumers or immigrants adapt to the host culture. Many of them suggest that generally the immigrants select and adopt aspects from both cultures, resulting in an integrated acculturation outcome ( Askegaard et al., 2005;Oswald, 1999; Penaloza, 1994a ). An exception is the study by Ustuner and Holt (2007) , which demonstrates outcomes of acculturation as either S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 482 separation, where immigrants continue to maintain their original iden- tity through everyday consumption practices and they pursue the dominant culture through mainstream market opportunities, or mar- ginalisation , where they “give up on both pursuits, resulting in a shat- tered identity project. ”However, these acculturation outcomes could di ffer based on di fferent ethnic groups, their age, gender, profession and mode of contact with the host. Very few studies have studied the in fluence of such factors on acculturation process, focusing mostly on minorities after migration. 2.1.2. Factors in fluencing acculturation outcome Factors that facilitate or oppose the acculturation outcomes may di ffer based on immigrants’ social relations, their antecedent variables, and global consumer culture ( Cappellini and Yen, 2013;Cleveland et al., 2009 ;Penaloza, 1994b). Antecedent variables, such as age, lan- guage ability, religion, gender, employment status, time of arrival/re- cency of migration and ethnic identity play a substantial role in infl u- encing the acculturation process ( Penaloza, 1994b).Penaloza (1994b; p49) . It highlights “family, friends, media, retail businesses, schools, and churches ”as some of the in fluencing factors a ffecting the ac- culturation process. The reason being that they represent lifestyles, values, norms as well as objects and consumer practices of both home and host culture ( Cappellini and Yen, 2013 ). Cleveland and Chang (2009) also highlighted that the relationship of immigrants with home and host culture members can infl uence as well as re-shape their consumption choices. Social relations can be conceptualised as strong ties (e.g. close friends) and weak ties (e.g. acquaintances) ( Granovetter, 1983). Other studies have also shown the importance of social networks during di fferent transitions ( Caligiuri and Lazarova, 2002 ;Forbush and Foucault-Welles, 2016 ).Chung and Fischer (1999) demonstrated that di fferent ties in fluence consumption in di fferent ways, for instance strong ties have a more in fluence over individual consumption compared to weak ties. Askegaard et al. (2005) highlighted that global consumer culture could be another factor that in fluences the acculturation process. Owing to globalisation, consumer culture is not anymore associated with a single country. It has rather become synonymous with multi- polar consumerism representing many national cultures. Berry (2008) also suggests that global consumer culture has become such an im- portant part of people’s everyday life that it could be a “starting point of acculturation. ”However, it is not evident how social relations on online platforms and availability of variety of information on di fferent culture a ff ect the acculturation outcomes and individual consumption. 2.1.3. Remote acculturation vs. conventional acculturation There are four major acculturation strategies; assimilation, in- tegration, separation and marginalisation, which explains the conven- tional for of acculturation ( Berry, 1980). This research along with other scholarly literature have primarily focussed on migration research dimension of the acculturation covering inter-cultural contacts and inter-social group contacts mostly within a host-migrant set up. However, rapid globalisation fuelled by disruptive technologies and multipolarity in the world order have facilitated multidirectional flow of people, ideas and goods across the countries and cultures ( Jensen et al., 2011). This has instigated new ways of in- tergroup and intercultural interactions outside the purview of migra- tion and opened avenues for a new form of acculturation called remote acculturation. While the conventional acculturation requires first-hand contacts (( Redfield et al., 1936 ), remote acculturation o ffers endless possibilities for culturally di fferent individuals or groups to interact through social media. Dey et al. (2018)further support this with ar- guments that the use of social media is helping to diminish the gap between our real and virtual life by depicting more tangible aspects of our real life through our clothes and fashions as well as how they look, their location and other physical evidences. While the remote ac- culturation, facilitated by the globalisation mechanisms, brings food, goods and culture closer between di fferent countries and cultures, the subject still remains understudied mainly due to its vast infl uence as well as correlation with rampant growth of social media technologies. 2.2. Acculturation and food consumption Traditional acculturation studies show how people associate food to their culture and ethnic identity more than clothes in their everyday practices, and how their food choices are more or less resistant to change ( Cleveland et al., 2009 ;Penaloza, 1994b ;Ustuner and Holt, 2007 ). Food habits are inculcated early in life and are perpetuated throughout the life because they are considered as symbolically meaningful behaviours for a given culture ( Cleveland et al., 2009; Fieldhouse, 1995). Furthermore, food is considered as an important constituent that serves as a key expression of culture. Any study in- volving acculturation analysis would look incomplete without paying attention to nuances of food consumption. The resistant to change (or separation) is seen more with minorities with strong ethnic ties in multi-cultural environment where there is an internal drive to protect one’s ethnic identity and culture ( Cappellini and Yen, 2013 ). Such separations are more prominent in some ethic groups than others. For example, Chung (2000)discussed that Chinese immigrants demonstrate strong ethnic retention related to food con- sumption when compared with other minority groups. Vieregge et al. (2009) also showed that second and even third generation of Chinese immigrants living in Switzerland consumed Chinese food daily at home as well as preferred Chinese restaurants over others as an option while eating out. Such high level of acculturation separation from western cuisine seen in Chinese population has been associated with food-cen- tered culture where food plays a very signi fi cant role in Chinese life ( Simmons, 1991 ). Similarly, Uhle and Grivetti (1993) compared ethnic Swiss living in Brazil and Switzerland and revealed that Brazilian Swiss preserved many of their traditional food practices even after more than a century of being geographically and culturally separated from their homeland. In contrast, Cleveland et al. (2009) through a structured equation modelling, suggested that relationship between consumption behaviour, ethnic identity and acculturation is far more complex and speci fic to a given food category and culture. However, most of these existing studies examining issues related to acculturation have been focussed on a narrow group of immigrants, who are minorities in the host country, leaving out other groups within the host country popu- lation, who may be exposed to di fferent cultures through other means of communication such as Internet and social media. 2.2.1. Sustainable food consumption Sustainable consumption aims to reduce the resource intensity of production-consumption systems i.e. focus is on consuming less re- sources ( Evans, 2011 ). It can be traced back to the 1992 Rio Earth Summit where environmental impacts of consumption patterns in in- dustrialised countries were highlighted. This was soon followed by es- tablishing a strategic priority of “transforming unsustainable patterns of consumption in 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg ”(Evans, 2011 ).“Sustainable Consumption and Produc- tion (SCP)” was identified as one of its three overarching objectives and a 10-year framework of programmes (10YFP) on SCP was developed for implementing SCP objectives ( Evans et al., 2017). SCP plan of im- plementation clearly distinguished between sustainable production and sustainable consumption, the latter being more associated with re- sponsibilities of consuming subjects which can be further broken down into ‘consumer attitude ’, ‘consumer behaviour ’and ‘consumer choice ’ ( Evans et al., 2017). The recent Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 12) also aims to safeguard sustainable consumption and production patterns in food systems. In the context of sustainable food consumption, consumption of organic food or local food can fall under this category as they use less resources during production phase, e.g. no arti ficial fertiliser or S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 483 pesticide input in organic production system, less food miles in local food consumption and at the same time such food are more nutritious and healthy (Lucia et al., 2017 ). Focus of sustainable food consumption also extends beyond production types and covers reduction in food waste ( Evans et al., 2017). Most of the previous research has pre- dominantly focused on individual consumers attitude, behaviour or choice ( Hughner et al., 2007 ;Jackson, 2005). Eff ect of culture, context, technology and available infrastructure in a given society that infl u- ences consumers’ choices has not been extensively covered. Preparation and consumption of food, also known as foodways, facilitates interactions within a community on a variety of levels and in many ways by giving useful insights into the people who perform these acts ( Ishak et al., 2013). The media is believed to encourage sharing of various ethnic foods through foodways ( Ishak et al., 2013). Therefore, the understanding consumer choices and impact of culture, technology and (remote) acculturation in the given context and society becomes important for addressing sustainable food consumption goals. 2.3. Acculturation and information di ffusion on social media Despite previous findings stating acculturation to be a two-way process of change, it has primarily concentrated on the process of adaption of a host culture, customs or traditions by minorities such as immigrants while coming in contact with the dominant majority. In an era of globalisation, the need of physical contact is not necessary to foster the changes in individuals. The emerging forces of technology and trade now enable cultural exchange in absence of direct and con- tinuous contact that often associates with population migration. This modern type of (remote) acculturation involves indirect and/or sporadic contact between the groups that are geographically separated. ( Ferguson and Bornstein, 2012 ). How people respond to their contact with other cultures without physically migrating, as a minority in the host country, remains highly unexplored in the literature ( Kizgin et al., 2018 ;Li and Tsai, 2015). Internet is one of the outcomes of globalisa- tion, which has facilitated users across the globe to be in contact with each other and create and exchange the content without physically migrating. Social media has emerged to become one of the prominent forces that aid cultural adaptation or acculturation process ( Chen et al., 2008 ;Croucher, 2011; Tufekci, 2008). Social media users are now able to widen their social networks and get connected to new information and ideas, which were inaccessible to them earlier ( Kizgin et al., 2018; Leonardi, 2014; Treem and Leonardi, 2012). Moreover, a recent study ( Miller, 2016 ) argues that we should never consider social media as a place or world separated or di fferent from our ordinary life as it has become a place where we live and where everyday life happens. From the purview of anthropology, and with the in fluence on anthropological bias, social media is arguably bringing the world little closer ( Miller, 2016 ). This study perceives the in fluence of the social media in terms of content or information and not merely as a platform for information dissemination. This makes this study imperative and novel in its own way to throw light on virtual or remote acculturation that is infl uenced by social media usage. Clearly, the aim is not to contradict the existing studies of traditional acculturation but to widen the knowledge on the evolving nature of acculturation. Online social networks now have become a platform where hun- dreds of millions of Internet users create, distribute and consume user- generated content. While social media has increased the accessibility to in finite source of information in an unparalleled scale, it plays a vital role in the process of information di ffusion by enhancing the exchange of information and diverse perspectives ( Geetika et al., 2014). As stated by many previous studies, there seems to be a correlation between node characteristic and the information di ffusion in terms of velocity of the message and magnitude of spread –for an example information shared by highly active users of social networks gets viral quickly than inactive or less active users ( Henry et al., 2017;Yang and Counts, 2010 ). Ascertaining the most in fluential information disseminators in social media networks is imperative for monitoring and controlling e ffi cient di ffusion of information ( Guille et al., 2013). Which means a social media campaign can extract more bene fits by targeting in fluen- cers who can help in triggering information cascade for further adop- tion by online users. While many studies have developed numerous models and techniques on information di ffusion in social networks ( Guille et al., 2013), no previous research has focused on how in- formation di ffusion can help in acculturation of sustainable consump- tion behaviour among the social media users. The preceding discussion leaves a substantial scope in studying how spread of information on social media help in acculturation to sus- tainable consumption behaviour –mainly focusing on food consump- tion. 2.4. Key research gaps and research questions The literature review reveals that there are a number of studies that have covered traditional acculturation, however, little or no research was found, which clearly explained the in fluence of social media in the acculturation process of non-immigrants. While “remote acculturation ” ( Ferguson and Bornstein, 2012 ) mainly addresses the cultural exchange remotely, there is a dearth of research that needs to explain how “re- mote acculturation ”is in fluenced by information di ffusion on social media ( Li and Tsai, 2015) and what role it plays in food acculturation or acculturation to sustainable food consumption behaviour. Such under- standing will also help in addressing some of the food security objec- tives and sustainable development goals – SDG 12, such as changing consumer behaviour towards making a more sustainable choice and reducing food waste. On the basis of these, this study derives four main research questions as below; RQ1: In what ways social media in fluence acculturation? RQ2: How does social media in fluence food acculturation? RQ3: What are the drivers and barriers to food acculturation on social media? RQ4: How information di ffusion on social media impacts ac- culturation to sustainable food consumption behaviour? 3. Research methodology This research undertakes an in-depth qualitative research metho- dology. As the research aims to understand howsocial media, through information di ffusion, in fluences acculturation rather than how many feel in fluenced, a qualitative approach seems to be more suitable for the nature of questions being asked ( Silverman, 2013). The real motive to select this method was the diligence and wholeness of the data collected through qualitative methods that allows any inconsistencies and irre- gularity to be captured ( Holloway and Wheeler, 2010 ;Saunders et al., 2009 ). This sense of comprehensiveness in data also helps in e ffectively establishing the context surrounding the observations ( Cassell et al., 2006 ;Miles et al., 2014 ). The analysis was aimed at examining the in fluence of social media on individuals’ food consumption behaviour within ethnic group set- tings. The study considered using interpretivism for this research be- cause interpretivist paradigm focuses on understanding “the world of human experience ”(Cohen and Manion, 1994: p36 ).Cresswell (2003) and Yanow and Schwartz-Shea (2011) also argue that interpretivist researchers discover reality through participant’s views, their own background and experiences. The chosen method purely aligned with the study’s primary research goal to understand participants’ view on social media, information dissemination and infl uence of consumption behaviour through investigators’ expertise around the topic. 3.1. Data collection Semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect data from the respondents as they provide an appropriate method to gain authentic S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 484 information about their social media experiences (Scott and Morrison, 2007 ). It provides the flexibility to investigate some of the questions in detail as well as skip or omit questions where appropriate, but generally follows a pre-determined list of questions ( Saunders et al., 2009). Furthermore, such interview format o ffers the respondents a sense of informality due to a conversational tone ( Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008 ). Limitations such as researcher’s biasness as well as participants’ reluctance to be completely honest to a stranger ( Salkind, 2006) were addressed through opportunities created by the interviewers for cap- turing extemporaneous conversation, covering themes that were con- sidered important to concerned respondents ( Mason, 2002). Mixed purposeful sampling technique was used to interview parti- cipants who were social media users geographically resident in India and United Kingdom. This technique was selected because it combines two or more sampling strategies for deriving evidences to achieve the objectives of the study by facilitating triangulation and flexibility in meeting the needs of di fferent stakeholders ( Patton, 2002;Suri, 2011). In this case it involved maximum variation sampling and random sampling to increase the credibility of the results. Following the study by Brewer (2000) , ethical standards were maintained, and all re- spondents were explained that their involvement was purely voluntary. Information sheet was provided to all the participants well before the interview process and an informed consent was obtained before the interview. 3.1.1. Interview protocol Twenty-four respondents were interviewed based on the demo- graphics, heterogeneity and amount of exposure to social media. They comprised of eight from each group of: (1) Indians (living in the home country); (2) British Indians (living in the host country for more than 10 years); and (3) white British (natives of Britain). White British were selected because they constitute 82% of the UK total population ac- cording to census 2011. British Indians with a length of more than 10 years stay in the United Kingdom was considered because many previous studies ( Kuo and Roysircar, 2004 ;Fosset, 2006; Besevegis and Pavlopoulos, 2008 ) have positively associated acculturation with length of stay in the host countries. The study by Kuo and Roysircar (2004) found that migrants who had stayed longer in a host country had more acculturation advantages. Although, none of the previous studies re- searched acculturation in the context of food consumption behaviour and social media usage, some of them have associated positivity to- wards the host culture with the length of stay in a foreign culture (Cortes, Rogler and Malgady, 1994). Similarly, Ward and Kennedy (1994) andLiebkind (2001) reason that any sociocultural integration is largely in fluenced by one of the factors such as length of stay in that culture. Moreover, a study by Miglietta and Tartaglia (2008) found that length of stay is one of the factors that might be needed for acquisition of cultural acquaintance, which in turn, may be increased by the con- sumption of mass media. Furthermore, a study to understand correla- tion between the length of stay and cultural integration among migrants in Greece revealed that the percentage of cultural integration increased over the duration of stay (from 31% for 1 –5 years of stay to 52% for more than 10 years of stay). The respondents were interviewed both face to face as well as using web as a platform based on their preferences and geographical loca- tions. Initially, participants were interviewed once. However, based on the transcripts, follow up interviews were also conducted. Face to face interviews were conducted within ideal surroundings, where re- spondents were made comfortable, as comfort of interviewee is con- sidered an important constituent of a successful interview ( Mason, 2002 ). Interviews focussed on four key themes, which were: (1) social media’s in fluence acculturation; (2) social media’s in fluence on food acculturation; (3) drivers and barriers to food acculturation on social media; (4) and how/whether information di ffusion on social media aids acculturation to sustainable food consumption behaviour? Interview themes were also explained to the participants in the context of the study being interested in understanding the experience, drivers, bar- riers, and synergies of an individual in order to study their experience of a new food culture and to what extend social media plays a role in it (see Appendix 1). Each of the interviews lasted approximately 60– 90 min with an aim to collect views and experience of the partici- pants around social media usage and its in fluence on food accultura- tion. 3.1.2. Demographic details of interviewees Culture is considered to have the most re flective in fluence on con- sumer behaviour ( Askegaard et al., 2005 ;Cleveland and Laroche, 2007 ). Therefore, three groups of participants were selected that re- presented cultural diversities. Selecting the three groups of participants i.e. Indians (living in the home country), British Indians (living in the host country for more than 10 years), and white British (natives of Britain), was aimed at understanding how individuals and groups in- tegrate and/or switch between multiple cultural narratives without physically travelling or having face-to-face interactions too often. To avoid gender bias participants consisted of 12 females and 12 males with the youngest one at 21 years and the oldest at 66. They are mostly from cities with facilities of broadband or mobile broadband connec- tions. There were 10 participants in the age group of 21 –30, five in the age group of 31– 40, two in the age group of 41– 50, three in the age group of 51– 60, and four in the age group of 61– 69 (seeTable 1). Their length of experience in social media usage ranged from one year to 9 years, whereas educational quali fications ranged from undergraduate to doctoral degrees. 3.2. Data analysis The data collected from the participants were analysed using a template analysis, which features coding that evolves throughout the analysis, helping identify any emerging thematic relationships ( King, 2004 ). The study employed the process of hybrid coding (both pre-set and open) in NVivo software. A deductive approach was followed in the prior development of themes, which allowed the researchers to derive a list of pre-set codes from the literature review, before beginning the data collection process ( King, 2004). As the analysis of transcripts progressed, an inductive approach of open coding was followed to conceptualise, compare, and categorise data by using a repetitive Table 1 Demographic details of the interviewees. Nationality Code Gender Age Residence SM use (yrs) Education British BR1 F 25 UK 6 UG BR2 M 33 UK 8 PG+ BR3 M 60 UK 3 PG BR4 F 40 UK 7 UG BR5 M 21 UK 5 UG BR6 F 26 UK 7 PG+ BR7 F 63 UK 1 PG+ BR8 M 44 UK 8 UG Indian IN1 M 55 India 2 PG IN2 M 30 India 6 PG IN3 F 26 India 7 PG IN4 F 38 India 4 PG+ IN5 F 57 India 1 PG IN6 F 28 India 6 UG IN7 M 22 India 3 UG IN8 M 62 India 2 UG British Indian BI1 F 21 UK 7 UG BI2 F 28 UK 8 PG BI3 M 35 UK 8 PG BI4 F 26 UK 6 UG BI5 M 42 UK 6 UG BI6 M 37 UK 9 PG+ BI7 M 61 UK 3 UG BI8 F 66 UK 2 PG S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 485 process to define and examine relations among di fferent categories in the dataset ( Strauss, 1987 ;Strauss and Corbin, 1990). Such approach allowed the researchers to revise templates, modify or eliminate codes whether necessary and allowed new themes to emerge. The engage- ment with respondents was emphasised from initial contact to facilitate their preparedness to reveal and share their perceptions and experi- ences regarding various aspects of the research. Then the study in- volved building a consensus to review, revise, and finalise categories to de fine overarching themes. 4. Analysis 4.1. Traditional acculturation vs. acculturation in social media Following Berry (2008) , we consider acculturation as a multifaceted process that may not always lead to assimilation of the host culture, and de finitely not a linear process leading to a melting pot ( Penaloza, 1994b ). It states that the process of acculturation can possibly lead to various outcomes such as assimilation (when immigrants adopt host culture and leave their original culture), integration (adopt both new and original cultures), separation (withdraw from the host culture and continue with their original culture) and marginalisation (when they withdraw from both the cultures). However, analysing the data based on the semi-structured interviews re flect that the trait of margin- alisation was missing from the acculturation on social media, owing to the nature of acculturation that perceived to be purely voluntary. While traditional acculturation theories re flected ‘external push ’(Hartwell et al., 2011 ) among the immigrants, majority of participants in this study demonstrated ‘internal pull ’, which also means that social media facilitates the exchange of information without compelling any online users to acculturate. Most importantly, respondents did not show any sign of stress or negative emotions as compared to immigrants as stated in previous studies ( Croucher, 2008;Kramer, 2003). Three key themes that emerged out of our analysis are explained below. The results of this study reveal that respondents often acted rational as well as opportu- nists without the sense of any obligation to conveniently choose cul- tural attributes that suited their expectations and living standards within a multicultural ambience. The majority of the respondents mainly exhibited the sign of ‘integration ’(Berry, 2008) to keep the amalgamation of both the ancestral and the host culture. Furthermore, their interaction in the multicultural environment was not driven by in fluences, but rather by expectations de fined by a given context. 4.2. In fluence of social media on acculturation All the participants interviewed were users of social media plat- forms. They primarily used social media to view multimedia content, initiate conversations, and exchange information that could help them in making new contacts and learning about new cultures, traditions, food, and customs. In addition to communicating with social contacts, they also used social media to browse third party contents related to diverse topics with a hope that it would render an inconspicuous means of connecting with new people, cultural groups, and learn more about them. “I am unable to travel to explore new countries and meet with people to learn new cultures, new food, and new customs. Therefore, I have be- come a member of many intercultural groups on social media where I learn all things without requiring travelling. The best part of learning about and trying out new cultures on social media is that we have the full freedom to choose what we want. For example, we are not forced to eat di fferent food or wear di fferent clothes and the prerogatives of having or not falls on us” . (Respondent IN4) Irrespective of the ethnic background, respondents between 21 and 40 years of age appeared to be more likely to adapt new cultures and customs whereas their counterparts above 55 years of age showed re- luctance to embrace new cultures, customs and food. While most of the respondents agreed that social media plays an important role in helping them to learn and adapt new cultures, three of them did not agree with the former, and two were unsure and had neutral opinion about ac- culturation in social media. Most of the female respondents showed more flexibility towards adapting to new cultures and traditions com- pared to their male counterparts. All three ethnic groups demonstrated more inclination towards in- tegration than assimilation, separation or marginalisation, and cited freedom and flexibility provided by the information availability on social media as the primary reason for it. They further viewed ac- culturation through social media is less stressful and less embarrassing to try out new food habits or cooking or consumption behaviour be- cause it gives them privacy and more time to get acculturated. Eighteen respondents who said they were comfortable using advanced technol- ogies and gadgets were found to be more inclined towards experi- menting with cultures and customs from foreign countries. Elevated interest of learning among Indian respondents about western cultures, cuisines, clothing and arts were found synonymous within the age group of 21– 30, who spent considerable time on social media platforms. Whereas White British and British Indians viewed occasional foreign travel, multi-cultural social contacts, and spending some time in the host country had synergistic e ffect on enhancing their openness towards adapting to di fferent cultures. “ 10 years back I had no idea that I would be living in the United Kingdom one day. I remember getting fascinated by some of the beautiful pictures of this country my friends living here used to share on Orkut. My interest to know more about this country grew when I first interacted with a common British friend on social media, and then it further strengthened after my first client visit here. After living here for some time, I can now happily identify with both India and the UK ”. (Respondent BI5 ) Four White British respondents reasoned about the infl uence of viral posts, religious pages and groups, and cultural campaigns on social media in generating interest among the social media users to learn more about other religions, traditions and cultures. One of them even at- tributed one of his friends’ assimilation to a new religion and culture to the Facebook page and posts of a religious charity organisation. “I know of a friend who really got liking to a religious page on Facebook. He once told me he was touched by the traditions, beliefs and preaching of this organisation. After remaining as a follower for some years it was no surprise for us to see him converting into the new religion. After changing his name, he now happily wears ethnic costumes and have tuned into a complete vegan ”. (Respondent BR8 ) From our analysis it shows that all respondents could relate to the six types of social media including social networking sites: content communications, collaborative projects, blogs, virtual social worlds, and virtual game worlds, as stated by Kaplan and Haenlein (2010). However, most of the respondents were either unaware of the virtual game worlds’ prominence or were unsure about how if it at all infl u- enced their perspective about other cultures of customs. Overall, it emerged clearly from their responses that di fferent social media plat- forms necessitate di ff erent levels of social connectivity while in fluen- cing the process of acculturation di fferently. 4.3. In fluence of social media acculturation on food consumption Respondents from di fferent ethnic groups showed many similarities as well as di fferences in perception or opinion regarding the infl uence of social media on their acculturation to food and sustainable con- sumption. The Indians preferred social media to social interaction and cited that abundance of information on social media gives them S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 486 freedom and time to like and consume the food of their choice. Whereas British Indians and White British respondents preferred social interac- tion marginally to social media usage to get influenced by food from other cultures –however, agreeing that social media is changing the way they perceived it earlier. While all three groups interviewed agreed that the shared content on social media has increased their con fidence in trying out new recipes without being exposed to awkwardness and discomfort, their opinion about inculcating consumption behaviour solely through social media di ffered. British Indians demonstrated more openness to adapt to Western foods and food habits compared to the Indians. However, for Indian respondents the content on sites such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube in fluenced their adaptability to Western food habits more than their counterparts in British Indians and White British re- spondents. Whereas, British Indians cited integration of social media information and direct social interaction to be more empowering for acculturation to di fferent food habits and consumption behaviour. “ I really wanted to try lasagne after seeing my friend’s Facebook post. It looked yummy. Unfortunately, I could not have it outside because in our culture we don’t eat beef. So, I browsed recipes on YouTube and custo- mised my own recipe by replacing beef with paneer and chicken, which came out really delicious. I became popular among my friends for my fusion recipe of lasagne and many of my friends now follow it ”. ( Respondent BI2 ) “ When I arrived in this country, I knew only how to cook in Indian style. But friends and roommates taught me various ways of western cooking that looked easy and healthy to me. And now I can have all the in- formation I need from social media about Indian as well as western style of cooking, which means I have best of both without compromising either on taste or on health ”. (Respondent BI16 ) Age group emerged as an important factor for food acculturation with younger generations showing more flexibility towards integration than the older ones. At the same time, when asked, older generation of respondents residing in the UK exhibited more leaning towards in- tegration compared to their counterparts in India. However, re- spondents who are older than 60 years mainly exhibited the signs of ‘ separation ’(Berry, 2008 ). “ I like to have Indian food sometimes and tried once to learn it on YouTube. But let me tell you it’s a real pain, requires a lot of patience. Not feasible at all when you come back from work all tired and not in a mood to spend some good time in the kitchen. I would rather prefer baking over cooking a curry ”. (Respondent BR7 ) White British respondents agreed that social media information related to issues such as food recycling, hunger and poverty etc. infl u- enced the way they looked at the food consumption. The Indian re- spondents were primarily driven by information related to healthy cooking, nutrient preservation, food storage and easy cooking for adapting to western cooking and food habits. In terms of preferences for social media platforms White British respondents were more in fluenced by food blogs and dedicated web- sites, whereas Indians cited Facebook as main source of infl uence, and British Indians preferred YouTube to other platforms for the informa- tion shared. While no concluding evidence were found why di fferent groups preferred a speci fic social media platform, our analyses points towards certain parameters that could be establishing correlation among the usage patterns. According to the Global Digital Report by ComScore (2018) , Indians users of Facebook spend on an average ap- proximately 13% more time on Facebook than their White British counterparts. While Indian social media users demonstrated clear pre- ference to browsing food related content on smart devices, their White British counterparts had no clear preference for the same. It is worth mentioning that Indian respondents had an average of 560 contacts on their Facebook account whereas White British respondents had ap- proximately 325 Facebook contacts. Furthermore, Indian respondents had more numbers of intercultural contacts or friends and spent almost double the amount of time on Facebook compared to White British respondents. It could easily point at our previous assessment that in- tercultural interactions outside the purview of migration open avenues for remote acculturation ( Jensen et al., 2011). This further supports our identi fication of having multicultural social contacts a driver ( Table 2) for remote acculturation. The White British respondents showed clear preference for browsing speci fic information over the content shared by their network or friends –which in turn points towards the salient features of food blogs and dedicated websites. British Indians’ pre- ference for YouTube over Facebook can be linked to the outcome of the UK Social Media Demographic Study 2016 ( Weareflint, 2016 ), which reveals YouTube (at 85%) as the favourite social media platform for adults browsing web within the United Kingdom compared to Facebook (78%). However, many commonalities were found between all three groups agreeing to social media as a powerful information source that in fluenced their acculturation to new food habits that included pre- paration, consumption and preservation. “When I look for information related to new recipes or food I tend to be very selective. I prefer specialised websites and blogs over Facebook just to avoid information overload ”. (Respondent BR6 ) “ I have learnt to cook authentic Indian chicken curry from a food blog. The best part of this learning is that, no stress involved and I can make it as hot as I like to have and, which might not be possible while trying out at restaurant. Now I have many versions of my own curry, which my British friends rejoice ”. (Respondent BR6 ) It emerged clearly from the analysis that social media has a strong in fluence on the respondents’ acculturation to new food, while o ffering them with discretion to choose both convenience and traditional food ( Laroche et al., 1998 ). From the analysis of data it also appeared that respondents felt social media to be a ‘facilitator ’and not ‘imposer ’as far as their acculturation to food was concerned. The analysis also heaved con flicting viewpoint from same age group of respondents residing in di fferent countries. Respondents over 60 who are residents of UK cited ‘ taste ’as the primary in fluencer of trying new food whereas their counterparts in India reasoned with ‘health bene fits ’to try continental food. However, in the both cases respondents exhibited ‘separation ’ after the initial experience of adapting to di fferent food –although for di fferent reasons. “ After watching the health bene fits of continental cuisines on social media, we tried it once while staying in a hotel and it was completely tasteless …no flavour …no colour at all. After having Indian food for so Table 2 Drivers and barriers to food acculturation on social media. Drivers Barriers Weak ethnic ties Soft religious inclination Unrestricted cultural consumption Social media expert More time spent online Multicultural social contacts Multi-lingual content Technology savvy Good first experience Low age group Loves cooking own food Adventurous while eating out Frequent overseas travel Strong ethnic ties Strong religious inclination Cultural food segregation Low social media skills Less time spent online No multicultural social networks Weak communication skills Technology skills Bad first experience High age group Low interest in cooking Sense of insecurity while eating out Ingredients unavailability S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 487 many years it is difficult for us to eat this kind of food .” ( Respondent IN8) Participants acknowledged that social media augmented their fa- miliarity with other cultures and food –which has helped them in adapting to new food habits during their overseas travel, and that somehow con firms that the acculturation actually starts well before the immigration with consumption of host culture products ( Penaloza, 1994b ). However, while travelling they confessed to have searched for the ancestral food as their first point of eating to start with. The analysis also revealed that the first experience of having food of di fferent culture further shapes respondents’ flexibility and pace towards food ac- culturation. Which means a bad experience during the first attempt at a new food decreases the flexibility and pace of their acculturation whereas a good experience does exactly the opposite. YouTube emerged as the most sought after social media platform for searching recipes of food from other cultures. At the same time 10 respondents acknowl- edged that multimedia content on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram urged them to learn more about new cooking methods and cuisines. Participants revealed that language acted as both driver and barrier in the acculturation process (see Table 2). While language acts as a barrier or stress during the traditional acculturation with immigrants ( Smith and Khawaja, 2011 ), it is a driver of acculturation on social media by o ff ering content in both host and ethnic languages. 4.4. Information di ffusion on social media and sustainable behavioural change All respondents understood the necessity and importance of social networks on the spreading of information through multiple sharing and interactions. From four general types of information di ffusion: herd behaviour, information cascades, di ffusion of innovation, and epi- demics ( Zafarani et al., 2014 ), analysis revealed that the types of con- tent respondents accessed and shared can mainly be attributed to herd behaviour, information cascades and di ffusion of innovation. Twenty out of twenty four respondents interviewed said they liked, trusted and approved of the information related to food shared by their friends on social networks (information cascades). Previous studies have also de- monstrated the e ffectiveness of using social in fluence to promote sus- tainable behaviour (see references in Goldsmith and Goldsmith, 2011). They agreed that abundance of information on social media have in- fl uenced their food habits, cooking styles, and outlook towards food in some way or other. “I always loved Indian cuisines. But often I used to try ready-to-eat and heat-and-eat meals, which were spicy and came with added pre- servatives. Once, while browsing new recipes on Facebook, I came across a live cooking class where I learned to cook from scratch. Now I feel cooking from scratch is not a big deal. I fell it also has more nutritional value and tastes good too ”. (Respondent BR2 )While most of the respondents agreed that information or content shared by their contacts in fl uenced their perceptions, any viral content (di ffusion of innovation) they came across sought more attention compared to friends’ posts. It has emerged from the analysis that user generated content such as photos, videos, reviews, information, and tags that are created by end-users in fluenced respondents’ speed of acculturation to sustainable behaviour. According to the respondents, information related to best before date awareness, cooking from scratch, nutritional bene fits, healthy lifestyle or wellness, deep- freezing, and advanced storage techniques help them in developing sustainable consumption behaviour. While respondents residing in India looked for information mainly related to storage and freezing, their counterparts in the UK were more in fluenced by information pertaining to fresh cooking, best before date awareness. “I have seen a lot of videos on social media related to advanced way of storing food for a longer time. On YouTube and Facebook, I have seen many videos from western countries depicting new ways of freezing, preservation, and storage. Here in India our food generally gets spoiled quickly due to climatic conditions and watching those videos helped me a lot ”. (Respondent IN6 ) Most of the respondents interviewed said they either regularly browsed or invariably came across content related to food waste and sustainable consumption in the form of videos, photographs, blogs, live videos, stories, and cooking classes. However, more than 90% of the respondents agreed that content shared by their role models such as celebrities, sportspersons, religious leaders, celebrity chefs and global organisations in fluenced the most. While almost all respondents ac- knowledged the in fluence of role models on their behaviour, the age group of 20 –35 exhibited strong a ffiliation to such viral contents. Almost 60% respondents agreed that information or content that go viral mostly carry meaningful information for the community. Moreover, our analysis reveals that social media not only helps in in- formation di ffusion but also o ffers synergistic e ffects for its users when combined with real-life interactions with people from other cultures and belief systems. “I never understood the concept of recycling leftover food that I used to bin. But after seeing some of the posts by my Indian friends that linked wasting of food to some kind of evil or sin, I have tried to recycle and store my leftover food. It does make a lot of sense to me now and even more after watching videos showing hunger and malnutrition in many countries around the world ”. (Respondent BR1 ) It emerged clearly from our analysis that respondents residing in India were more in fluenced by information pertaining to storage and preservation techniques whereas Indians residing in the UK were more in fluenced by nutrition, wellness and health bene fits to carve out change in their consumption behaviour. Almost all respondents rea- soned that social media is the primary source of information that aids Table 3 Illustrations of acculturation in social media. Respondents Residence Illustrative quote Acculturation themes IN4 India “The best part of learning about and trying out new cultures on social media is that we have the full freedom to choose what we want…” Acculturation in social media BI2 U.K.“I browsed recipes on YouTube and customised my own recipe by replacing beef with paneer and chicken, which came out really delicious. ” Food acculturation in social media BR6 U.K.“I have learnt to cook authentic Indian chicken curry from YouTube. The best part of this learning is that, no stress involved and I can make it as hot as I like to have. ”Food acculturation in social media BR1 U.K.“I never understood the concept of recycling leftover food that I used to bin …I have tried to recycle and store my leftover food …. after watching videos showing hunger and malnutrition in many countries around the world. ” Information di ffusion and acculturation to sustainable behaviour BR5 U.K.“I never had this notion of eating food items after the ‘best before date ’. … Now I don’t mind eating as long as it looks good to eat. ” Information di ffusion and acculturation to sustainable behaviour S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 488 increased awareness related to environmental pollution, sustainability, and food waste, which guides them gradually towards developing sus- tainable consumption behaviour (seeTable 3). One respondent also cited, ‘Love Food Hate Waste ’campaign that focussed primarily on raising awareness about the consequences of food waste by rendering consumers the information and knowledge required in order to change their behaviour, as an example that has largely impacted her behaviour. “Earlier, I never had this notion of eating food items after the “best before date” . But I was surprised to see one of my Indian housemates eating fruits and veges even after the best before date. When I searched about more information on Google, it took me to the Facebook page of my university where I could learn that we can consume the food as long as it is not spoiled. Now I don’t mind eating as long as it looks good to eat ”. ( Respondent BR5 ) 5. Discussion The current research investigated the aspects of remote accultura- tion in the context of its correlation with social media. With vast ex- pansion of the Internet, social media aids the extension of an in- dividual’s social network to a scale that was previously unimaginable ( Kane et al., 2014 ). This extension enables social media users to widen their social networks using social media and get connected to new in- formation and ideas that were previously inaccessible ( Leonardi, 2014; Richey and Ravishankar, 2017 ;Treem and Leonardi, 2012). Further- more, the emergence of social media has presented an opportunity for the indirect and/or discontinuous interaction between cultures in the “ globalised, de-territorialized world ”to enable remote acculturation, despite the interacting cultural groups being geographically separated ( Appadurai, 1991, p. 196; Ferguson and Bornstein, 2012 ). Although, this research primarily focussed on one parameter of acculturation that is food, it bolstered the validity of remote acculturation through its fi ndings. Locher et al. (2005) also stated that any research on ac- culturation would be incomplete without involving the element of food consumption, owing to the signi ficance of food to an individual’s well- being. The study extended our understanding of remote acculturation supported by the findings of Ferguson and Bornstein (2015) that states intermittent and indirect intercultural contact can shape a new form of acculturation or remote acculturation. While the findings of this study evidenced social media can help in creating a virtual social setting to aid remote acculturation, it also aligned with arguments ( Dey et al., 2018 ) that social media is narrowing the gap between our virtual and real life in many di fferent ways. This study added a new dimension to existing acculturation research by adding how social media aids food acculturation and in fluences in building or modifying sustainable con- sumption behaviour through information di ffusion. This study re- presents a first step to extend the scope of integrating social media with remote acculturation, food acculturation and consumption behaviour – which can be scaled-up to exert a high impact in terms of addressing global food security issues. Through this study the potential vehicles of remote acculturation could be found in the production and consump- tion of content on social media platforms. Moreover, it is imperative to have a replication or extension study that can not only validate the fi ndings of a previous research but also help to avoid replication crisis by assessing the robustness of such findings, and thereby extending those results theoretically ( Bonett, 2012;Duncan et al., 2014 ). 5.1. Theoretical implications The core focus and motivation behind studying these aspects of acculturation is deeply rooted in understanding how acculturation oc- curs on social media and how in fluential it is in the absence of direct contacts between intercultural groups. By doing so this study advances the current knowledge in remote acculturation as well as in food acculturation. With growing online users, the expansion of social con- tacts does not fall hostage to the boundaries of country, culture, food habits, ideologies or customs. In addition, the availability of informa- tion, new ideas, innovations and ideologies are not restricted to social contacts. Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram, Pinterest, WeChat among others act as harbingers of in- formation dissemination with strong inter-personal infl uence. As con- sumers associate with social media users with diverse background they get opportunity to engage others with di fferent mind-sets, experiences, viewpoints and expertise ( Kane et al., 2014). These new interfaces of information di ffusion, on integrating various sources of information, believed to enhance the opportunities for the unearthing, learning and expansion of new ideas ( Dahlander and Piezunka, 2014; Mount and Martinez, 2014 ). This process unvaryingly in fluences exchange of new ideas, best practices, cultural eloquences and behavioural traits. It further contributes towards building literature by linking social media acculturation to the information di ffusion theory and sustainable con- sumption behaviour. Notwithstanding the limited scope of this study to select three cultural group for research, this can easily be generalised to cover other intercultural groups, geographical setting and other car- dinal issues. We argue that production and consumption of social media content along with exposure to social media platforms are directly proportional to the amount of openness for food acculturation. Ad- ditionally, the abundance of information on social media has sub- stantial in fluence on how people see, perceive and eat food. These are the new dimensions that are added to existing literature on accultura- tion, food acculturation and behavioural studies. 6. Conclusions and future research To the best of our knowledge this is the first attempt to examine the role of social media in acculturation of sustainable consumption be- haviour. This study places emphasis on the role of social media as a key acculturation agent, which in fluences acculturation in a positive way. It is evident from the findings that by o ffering a platform for information di ffusion, social media immensely facilitates sustainable behavioural change among online users. The results demonstrate the absence of adaptation stress to be a powerful di fferentiator for acculturation in social media compared to the traditional acculturation. The study also fi nds that acculturation in social media follows the ‘internal pull ’pro- cess where users use their own prerogatives to choose adaptation to a new culture without the pressure imposed by the dominant group or society in contrast to ‘external push’ experienced during traditional acculturation. The fi ndings revealed that respondents primarily ex- humed ‘integration ’during the remote acculturation in social media. British Indians showed more integration than the other two ethnic groups in terms of food habits and consumption behaviour. Our research findings suggest that social media acts like an agent of ‘ enabler ’and not an ‘imposer ’within the process of acculturation. Our fi ndings also demonstrate that social media diminishes the stress of language barrier during acculturation and in fluences users towards ‘ integration ’instead of ‘separation ’. While we anticipate that further advancement in technologies would make social media a harbinger of remote acculturation through information cascades and di ffusion of innovations, further research is necessary to validate this argument. Regarding sustainable consumption, our findings establish clear linkage of social media to remote acculturation of sustainable food consump- tion behaviour. However, more research is required to substantiate how interventions in information di ffusion can form a basis for encouraging the acculturation of sustainable behaviour among the food consumers. Such research will help in expanding the theories of remote ac- culturation and further help in understanding the key drivers of beha- vioural change through technology and social media platform. Although, the scope of analysis in this study is limited to experience and perception of respondents, we would argue that it is a vital step towards initiating an integrated research combining important issues S. Choudhary et al. Technological Foreca sting & Social Change 145 (2019) 481– 492 489 such as acculturation and sustainable consumption behaviour, and linking it to information diffusion on social media. Future research could focus on studying more on how information di ffusion could be modelled to control and predict the spread of information to infl uence remote acculturation in social media –with a focus on sustainable consumption of food so as to meet the goals of food security. Finally, this research could be useful for social media and sustainability stra- tegists attempting to inculcate behavioural changes among the food consumers. Appendix 1 Interview questions –acculturation to sustainable consumption behaviour in the social media. 1. Demographics –gender, age, nationality, education and residency Theme 1: Social Media impact/in fluence on acculturation 2. How long have you been using social media and how much time you spend being on social media? 3. What do you use social media primarily for and what are your preferred social media platforms? 4. What type of content you view on social media and how do you come across such content? 5. Do you have any contacts/friends from other countries or cul- tures? 6. How do you learn about their (or other) culture, food and cus- toms? Does social media has any role in this? 7. What drives/discourage you to learn more about di fferent cul- tures, food and customs? 8. Do you often go dining at international restaurants/cuisines? 9. Do you think abundance information on social media helps you get closer to other cultures, food habits and customs? (If no, then why; If yes, then how)? 10. Have you considered adapting to food habits, clothing or lan- guages, which are other of yours? (If no, then why; If yes, then how)? How do social media in fluence your cultural practices and does it en- hance your flexibility to embrace elements of other cultures? Theme 2: Social Media impact/in fluence on food acculturation 11. How do you learn the way you purchase, cook, preserve and consume food items and how do social media play a role in it? 12. What information about food on social media interests you? (Depending upon the answer, follow up questions from Q13 –18 13. What role social media play in making your food choices? 14. How often do you cook food at home? 15. Do you love cooking new cuisines? 16. Where do you get new recipes and food ideas? 17. Does social media help you to learn about cuisines from other countries and cultures? Theme 3: Information di ffusion and acculturation to sustainable food consumption 18. 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Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 62 Canadian Journal of Urban Research, Volume 24, Issue 1, pages 62-77. Copyright © 2015 by the Institute of Urban Studies. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ISSN: 1188-3774 Characterizing Saskatoon’s Food Environment: A Neighbourhood-level Analysis of In-store Fruit and Vegetable Access Sugandhi del Canto Rachel Engler-Stringer Nazeem Muhajarine Department of Community Health and Epidemiology University of Saskatchewan Abstract Th is paper evaluates the relationship between in-store food off erings and neighbourhood level socio-economic and demographic characteristics in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, as well as to assess diff erences in fruit and vegetable access among grocery stores in neighbourhoods of varying socioeconomic status.Th is study compares measures of the food environment using data based on structured observations, self-reported data and measured data. A census of 116 food stores were measured in Saskatoon’s residential neighbourhoods (n=60), of which 24 were grocery stores. Neighbourhoods were assigned to categories of high, mid and low socioeconomic status (SES) based on the Material and Social Deprivation Index. Proportion of Aboriginal ancestry by neighbourhood was also incorporated into the analysis. High SES neighbourhoods had a higher proportion of grocery stores, of all store types, than mid or low SES neighbourhoods, while low SES neighbourhoods had a much higher proportion of convenience stores compared to mid and high SES neighbourhoods. Overall in-store grocery measures did not vary signifi cantly across neighbourhood-level SES, but did vary by proportion of Aboriginal ancestry. Price and availability of fruits and vegetables varied in low SES neighbourhoods and those with a higher proportion of Aboriginal ancestry. Th is study uncovers a disproportionately high distribution of convenience stores in lower SES neighbourhoods, suggesting that food swamps are prevalent in Saskatoon and confi rms previous research fi ndings of inequities experienced by Aboriginal people in the city. Further research, including more qualitatively-driven data, is necessary to elucidate the complexities of Saskatoon’s food environment. Keywords: food environment, food desert, food swamp, neighbourhoods, health, socio-economic status, Aboriginal, Saskatoon, Canada CJUR summer 24:1 2015 63 Fruit and Vegetable Access in Saskatoon’s Grocery Stores Résumé Cet article évaluer la relation entre l’off re de nourriture dans les magasins et les caractéristiques socio-économiques et démographiques des quartiers diff érents de Saskatoon, Saskatchewan ; ainsi qu’une évaluation les diff érences d’accés des fruits et légumes dans les épiceries de quartiers de statut socioéconomique diff érents. Cette étude compare les mesures de l’environnement alimentaire en utilisant des données basées sur des observations structurées, les données auto-déclarées et les données mesurées. Un recensement de 116 magasins d’aliments a été mesurés dans les quartiers résidentiels de Saskatoon ( n = 60), dont 24 étaient des épiceries. Les quartiers ont été assignés à des catégories de statut socio-économique (SSE) élevé , moyen et défavorisé basé sur l’indice de défavorisation matérielle et sociale. Proportion d’ascendance autochtone par quartier a également été intégrées dans l’analyse. Les quartiers où le SSE est élévé ont une proportion élévé des épiceries que les quartiers moyens ou défavorisés. Les quartiers où le SSE est défavorisés ont une proportion élévé de dépanneurs que les quartiers moyens ou élévé. Les scores composites des épiceries ne varient pas beaucoup selon le niveau SSE du quartier, mais varient cependant selon la proportion d’ascendance autochtone. Le prix et la disponibilité des fruits et légumes se sont distinguées parmi des quartiers défavorisés et avec la proportion d’ascendance autochtone. Cette étude démontre une répartition disproportionnée des dépanneurs dans les quartiers à faible SSE, les qualifi ant de marécages alimentaires et confi rme les conclusions d’études antérieures des inégalités vécues par la population autochtone de la ville. Les recherches plus poussées, y compris plus de données qualitatives, est nécessaire pour élucider les complexités de l’environnement alimentaire de Saskatoon. Mots clés: environnement alimentaire, désert alimentaires, marécages alimentaires, quartiers, santé, statut socio-économique, Autochtone, Saskatoon, Canada Introduction A healthy diet, one that is high in fresh fruit and vegetables (Paquette 2005) and low in processed, energy-dense food, off ers protection against the onset of many chronic illnesses (Townshend and Lake 2009). Low intake of fruits and vegetables is one of the leading risk factors for death, related to many conditions worldwide (Egger and Swinburn 1997). It is evident, however, that there is little benefi t in encouraging people to eat more fruits and vegetables if the food stores and restaurants accessible to them do not off er these choices at aff ordable prices (Kamphius et al. 2006), and studies suggest that low income individuals and families may be more aff ected by their neighbourhood environment, resulting from more constrained transportation options (Lytle 2009). Previous research has shown that the cost of food plays a signifi cant role in accessibility and is a barrier to healthy eating for people with low incomes (Paquette 2005). Nutritious food is often more expensive than highly processed, fat- or sugar- Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 64 laden food, putting a balanced diet out of reach for people with limited fi nances (Inglis, Ball, and Crawford 2009) healthier foods may be overlooked in favour of more energy-dense lower-cost options. Th e aim of this study was to investigate whether modifi cations to the available household food budget led to changes in the healthfulness of food purchasing choices among women of low and high income. A quasi-experimental design was used which included a sample of 74 women (37 low- income women and 37 high-income women. A common measure for fresh produce access—itself a distal marker of a healthy diet—is residential proximity to a grocery store (Feng et al. 2010). A grocery store or supermarket format is the most likely to carry the widest range of healthy food, at more aff ordable prices compared to other store types, such as convenience stores (Powell et al. 2007). While grocery stores also carry unhealthy foods such as candy, chips and soft drinks, these items are more abundant at convenience stores (Farley et al. 2009; Wrigley 2002), making grocery stores the more desirable food outlet to have in a neighbourhood. When people have trouble accessing healthy foods because of where they live and because of fi nancial diffi culty, they are said to live in a food desert ( Wrigley 2002; Kershaw et al. 2010). Food deserts are the subject of great debate, as researchers attempt to defi ne and delineate the extent of urban food deserts, and establish if they exist at all. In studies across Western, English-speaking nations, the fi ndings are mixed: a number of food deserts have been uncovered in American cities (Morland et al. 2002; Morland and Filomena 2007), while fi ndings in cities across Britain and Scotland suggest that they may not exist or may not be important indicators of healthy food access ( Wrigley 2002). Turning to Canada’s growing food environment literature, researchers in London, ON, found that food deserts do exist, yet their fi ndings indicate that areas of lower SES have better access to grocery stores, compared to higher SES areas, when public transit is taken into account (Larsen and Gilliland 2008). Researchers in both Edmonton, AB, and Montreal, QC, did not fi nd evidence of food deserts, suggesting instead that interventions aimed at improving dietary outcomes should focus on issues broader than the geographic distribution of food stores (Smoyer-Tomic, Spence, and Amrhein 2006; Spence et al. 2009; Apparicio, Cloutier, and Shearmur 2007). Curiously, researchers in both London and Edmonton found that access to grocery stores was greater in neighbourhoods of lower SES (Larsen and Gilliland 2008; Smoyer-Tomic, Spence, and Amrhein 2006). Th ese fi ndings point to the complexity of Canadian food environment research and underscore the need to better understand the regional and demographic diff erences that may exist across cities of varying size and urbanity. Food environment research in Saskatoon is relatively new. Th e Saskatoon Health Region, the University of Saskatchewan and the Smart Cities, Healthy Kids research initiatives have begun the process of enumerating this mid-sized city’s built food environment, assessing the distribution of grocery and convenience stores, as well as fast food restaurants (Peters and McCreary 2008; Kershaw et al. 2010; Engler- Stringer, R. Muhajarine et al. 2014). Given its geographic similarity to Edmonton, also a Prairie city, it could be hypothesized that Saskatoon’s built food environment would be similar. However, the size and urban development trajectory of Saskatoon (Engler-Stringer, R. Muhajarine et al. 2014) more closely parallels that of London (Larsen and Gilliland 2008), indicating that food deserts may have developed over CJUR summer 24:1 2015 65 Fruit and Vegetable Access in Saskatoon’s Grocery Stores time as large supermarket chains moved their increasingly-larger stores towards the outskirts of the city (Miller, Reardon, and Mccorkle 2012). Evidence exists to illustrate the growing dearth of grocery store access in the Saskatoon’s poorest neighbourhoods (Engler-Stringer, R. Muhajarine et al. 2014). A great deal of the Canadian literature shows associations between the built food environment and residents’ diet-related outcomes (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). Th ere is increasing evidence of food swamps—areas of low socioeconomic status with high geographic access to nonnutritive food sources—which may prove to be more important than food deserts in infl uencing residents’ diets (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). American research fi ndings indicate that residents of wealthier, white neighbour- hoods tend to have better access to cheaper and more nutritious foods than those living in less affl uent neighbourhoods. Th is disparity widens when obesogenic (obesity-pro- moting) built environments are factored in (Elinder and Jansson 2009). For example, a 2007 study by Morland and Filomena found that in wealthier, predominantly-white neighbourhoods in the US, the ratio of grocery stores to residents was 1:3816. In neighbourhoods of lower SES, where there was a greater proportion of black resi- dents, the ratio was a disturbing 1:23,582 (Morland and Filomena 2007). While the body of Canadian food environment research has not explicitly documented race- based diff erences, there is extensive evidence of disparities in nutrition-related health outcomes (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). For instance, the preva- lence of obesity and diabetes is considerably higher among First Nations communi- ties (Loppie Reading and Wien 2009) and can be linked to, among other factors, the quality of an aff ordable diet (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). Th ere is ample evidence to suggest that access to aff ordable, healthy food can be a challenge for Aboriginal people living on reserve or in remote, rural areas ( Willows, Hanley, and Delormier 2012). Colonization, the Residential School Legacy, marginalization and ongoing systemic barriers contribute to disproportionately poor health outcomes among First Nations, Metis and, increasingly, Inuit, when compared to other Cana- dian populations (Loppie Reading and Wien 2009). Diff erences in neighbourhood- level SES and demographic indicators are linked to diff erences in health outcomes (Morland and Filomena 2007). Indicators such as income or race have been shown to possibly account for variations in grocery and convenience store distribution across neighbourhoods within the same city (Morland and Filomena 2007; Larson, Story, and Nelson 2009). A health disparities study by the Saskatoon Health Region (SHR) in 2007 contrasted the health status of residents within Saskatoon’s six lowest income neighbourhoods—which have proportionally higher numbers of residents reporting Aboriginal ancestry—with the rest of the city, and found substantial disparities in chronic disease outcomes (Lemstra, Neudorf, and Beaudin 2007). Although inequities in health outcomes related to SES are not surprising, the magnitude of the dispar- ity was enormous. After statistically controlling for variables of SES, cultural status, disease intermediaries, other health disorders, behaviours and healthcare utilization, Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 66 the researchers found that low-income residents in Saskatoon are 50% more likely to report low self-reported health, 118% more likely to have heart disease and 196% more likely to have diabetes (Lemstra, Neudorf, and Beaudin 2007). A food access study by SHR found that food stores are not equally distributed throughout the city: Neigh- bourhoods with the poorest access to grocery stores lie along the river, particularly on the west side, and on the edges of the city to the north, west and south, correspond- ing to some of the lower SES neighbourhoods within the city (Figure 1). Fewer than half of Saskatoon’s residents (46%) have any grocery stores within a walking distance of 1 km and only 17% have more than one grocery store within walking distance. Previous research has uncovered several food deserts in Saskatoon, such as those in Figure 1 (Peters and McCreary 2008; Kershaw et al. 2010). Conversely, convenience stores are much greater in number throughout the city (Figure 2), indicating relatively easier access to unhealthier food choices. Th ese initial fi ndings point to the presence of both food deserts and swamps across the city. Th is present study aims to further an understanding of Saskatoon’s built food environment through an analysis of in-store food off erings across neighbourhoods of varying SES and varying proportions of Ab- original ancestry. Figure 1: Supermarket distribution CJUR summer 24:1 2015 67 Fruit and Vegetable Access in Saskatoon’s Grocery Stores Figure 2: Distribution of convenience stores Methodology In-store measures of ten food categories were collected using the Nutrition Environment Measurement Survey for Stores (NEMS-S) (Glanz et al. 2007).Th e fi ndings addressed in this article focuses on measures of fruit and vegetable access (price and availability) within grocery stores in relation to the SES-level of the neighbourhoods in which the store is located. Further assessed were correlations of fruit and vegetable access with Aboriginal ancestry at the neighbourhood level. Measurement of food stores Based on a geo-coded list of stores in residential neighbourhoods obtained from the City of Saskatoon and updated through observation, food stores were delineated by store type. Grocery stores included all large grocery stores and supermarkets—stores stocking fresh meat, wheat-based Western style bread, fruits, vegetables, and dairy milk, and requiring no membership (Smoyer-Tomic, Spence, and Amrhein 2006). Convenience stores were classifi ed as those carrying a limited range of foods (compared to a grocery store). Th ese included stores attached to gas stations, pharmacies carrying a range of food products and free-standing convenience stores. Consistent with other studies (Smoyer-Tomic, Spence, and Amrhein 2006; Apparicio, Cloutier, and Shearmur Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 68 2007), excluded were stores not open to the public or those requiring membership (such as Costco). “Big box” style department stores that sell a limited range of food, such as some Giant Tiger or Shoppers Drug Mart locations, were categorized as convenience stores. Food stores located in non-residential neighbourhoods were excluded in this analysis. Th e in-store survey instrument was administered in a census of 116 food stores (24 grocery and 92 convenience stores)across a total of 60 residential neighbourhoods between January and February 2011. As the purpose of this analysis was fresh and frozen fruit and vegetable access, only grocery stores are included. Th is inclusion criteria was based on the observation that, while canned fruits and vegetables may be available through convenience stores, fresh and frozen produce is available in the widest variety at grocery stores. It is posited that variations across grocery stores serve as a more meaningful analysis of the built food environment than variations across grocery and convenience stores combined. Data Collection Th e Nutrition Environment Measurement Survey for Stores (NEMS-S) was origin- ally developed to measure healthy food options in grocery and convenience stores in neighbourhoods diff ering by income and community design. Th e tool has been tested extensively for reliability (test-retest and inter-rater) and validity (face and construct validity) (Glanz et al. 2007). Th e in-store survey is completed by a trained rater, for each food store, based on structured observations of price, availability and quality for ten indicator food categories: milk, bread, fruit and vegetables (fresh, frozen and canned), ground beef, hot dogs, frozen dinners, baked goods, beverages, chips, and cereal (Glanz et al. 2007). A composite score from each food category was used to assess the overall “healthiness” of a store, with higher score indicating a wider variety of healthy options at prices either equal to, or lower than, less healthy options within a comparable cat- egory. Th e in-store survey has been adapted for the Canadian context by researchers at the University of Alberta, including a wider list of fruits and vegetables for assessment, as well as additional sections for canned and frozen produce (Susan Buhler, personal communication, January 7, 2011). Neighbourhoods were characterized as high, mid and low SES using the Material and Social Deprivation Index, a tool developed by the Institut national de santé publique (INSPQ) in Quebec (Pampalon et al. 2009) and which has been frequently adapted to characterize neighbourhood-level SES (Apparicio, Cloutier, and Shearmur 2007; Smoyer-Tomic et al. 2008; Pouliot and Hamelin 2009). Th e Material and Social Deprivation Index is based on material indicators of income, employment and education, and social indicators of marital status, lone parent status and living alone status (Pampalon et al. 2009). A material and social deprivation index was developed for Quebec and Canada. Data used for this index were derived from Statistics Canada’s 2006 Census and projected data from the City of Saskatoon, up to 2010. Z-scores were calculated for each variable for each neighbourhood, and the sum of CJUR summer 24:1 2015 69 Fruit and Vegetable Access in Saskatoon’s Grocery Stores these values was used to divide neighbourhoods into categories of high, mid and low SES, (n=20 neighbourhoods of each type). Data on proportion of Aboriginal ancestry, by neighbourhood, was gathered from Statistics Canada’s 2011 Census. Th e decision to undertake a neighbourhood-level analysis, rather than a census tract-level analysis—as has been done in some Canadian studies (Apparicio, Cloutier, and Shearmur 2007; Black et al. 2011)—was based on several considerations. Previous studies of Saskatoon’s food environment (Kershaw et al. 2010) and other pivotal health- related studies in the city (Lemstra, Neudorf, and Beaudin 2007) are neighbourhood- based. It was felt that keeping this present study at the neighbourhood-level would facilitate intra-city comparability of this study’s fi ndings. Data Analysis Mean in-store scores were calculated for the 18 neighbourhoods in which grocery stores are located. Fruit and vegetable access measures were based on the price and availability of 16 fruit and 16 vegetable varieties (fresh and frozen) available within grocery stores. While the original in-store measurement survey collected three dimensions of accessibility—price, availability and quality—the latter has not been included in the present analysis due to its greater degree of subjectivity. To measure price, the displayed cost of an item within a store is recorded and, to measure availability, the presence or absence of an item within a store is recorded by the rater. However, an assessment of quality is subject to the perception of the rater, where an item is recorded as being of acceptable or unacceptable quality (Glanz et al. 2007). Among the in-store raters of this study, there were several instances of non-consensus regarding the quality of an item within a store, such as the acceptability of a display of apples. Th ough quality (and, by extension, the desirability) of an item is an important metric, the researchers felt that the way in which this dimension was captured in the measurement tool had a high degree of subjectivity. Using SPSS 21.0, t-tests assessed diff erences in the geographic distribution of grocery and convenience stores across neighbourhood types. Data gathered during store audits were used to calculate mean availability and price of fruits and vegetables in each grocery store. Data were also collected on the price per kilogram, or the price per item, for 32 individually-priced produce items within each store. Associations between price and availability measures and SES were assessed using ANOVAs (F-tests) and correlation (r 2). Signifi cance was set at α=0.05. Results Table 1 indicates the distribution of food stores by neighbourhood type. Low SES neighbourhoods were found to have signifi cantly more convenience stores than high and mid SES neighbourhoods (p=0.052), while high SES neighbourhoods had a higher proportion of grocery stores than low or mid SES neighbourhoods (p=0.007). Table 2 indicates that in-store scores across grocery stores did not vary by neighbourhood- Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 70 level SES, but did vary by Aboriginal ancestry (p=0.037). While the availability of fruits and vegetables did not vary, it did vary by price, with lower SES neighbourhoods experiencing higher prices (p=0.035). Th is fi nding of higher prices was also refl ected in neighbourhoods with more Aboriginal-identifying residents (p=0.02). Table 1: Distribution of grocery and convenience stores by neighbourhood-level SES Neighbourhoods No. of food stores† No. of grocery stores (% of total food stores) No. of convenience stores (% of total food stores) All 131 24 (20.9) 92 (80) High SES 35 10 (28.6)* 21 (60.0) Mid SES 41 5 (12.19) 31 (75.6) Low SES 55 9 (16.4) 40 (72.7) ** †Includes all grocery, convenience and specialty food stores (such as bakeries and ethnic grocery stores), however, this analysis focuses solely on grocery and convenience stores. As such, percentages in the last two columns will not equal 100% *p=0.007 **p=0.052 Table 2: Fruit and vegetable (F/V ) access in Saskatoon’s grocer y stores Price (F/V) Availability (F/V) Total NEMS-S SES High F 1.225 2.681 2.762   r 2 0.09 0.054 0.006 Mid F 0.345 5.673 1.554   r 2 0.077 0.089 0.015 Low F 6.244* 1.840 1.233   r 2 0.343** 0.064 0.032 Aboriginal   T 6.708*** 4.002 3.785*****   r 2 0.201**** 0.091 0.391 (α=0.05) *p=0.035 **p=0.023 ***p=0.02 ****p=0.037 CJUR summer 24:1 2015 71 Fruit and Vegetable Access in Saskatoon’s Grocery Stores Discussion Th is study highlights the complex nature of food environments, and contributes to the growing body of literature specifi c to the Canadian context (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). Th ese fi ndings build upon the mapping and assessment of Saskatoon’s food environment begun by SHR, providing a further understanding of in-store healthy food off erings and produce access across the city (Kershaw et al. 2010). Th e identifi cation and measurement of food deserts can be important, but there are limits in what it can reveal about healthy food access (Kamphius et al. 2006). Th e most prevalent nutritional problems in high-income countries (where the food desert metaphor has been applied) are related to over-consumption, particularly overweight and obesity, which are more prevalent among low-income populations (Ard 2007). If environment infl uences consumption, then the excess of unhealthy food found in convenience stores spread across low-income neighbourhoods is a potentially more pressing problem than the distribution of grocery stores (Farley et al. 2009). As discussed earlier in this paper, and supported by the fi ndings of this study, a shift in focus towards identifying and understanding food swamps may be a more informative, and perhaps more comparable approach (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). Food swamp is a term increasingly used to describe areas in which an abundance of energy-dense snack foods, such as those found in convenience stores or at fast food restaurants, inundate neighbourhoods and represent a disproportionately larger share of food options (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). Th e fi ndings of the present study indicate that lower SES neighbourhoods in Saskatoon are more likely to be characterized as a food swamp, having signifi cantly more convenience stores than mid or high SES neighbourhoods. Th is combination of ubiquitous convenience stores and economic marginalization indicate that the availability and aff ordability of healthy foods may be a challenge. Inequity is perhaps exacerbated by the fact that high SES neighbourhoods have a greater proportion of grocery stores, highlighting that healthy food access may be a function of a neighbourhood’s level of SES. No diff erences of in-store composite measures were found among grocery stores in neighbourhoods of varying SES and, due to the extremely small sample size of grocery store, results must be interpreted with great caution. While the correlation found between Aboriginal ancestry and in-store measures may be statistically weak, it is in keep with the extensive evidence of health inequity documented in other studies (Lemstra, Neudorf, and Beaudin 2007). Compounded by the fi nding of slightly signifi cantly higher prices of fruits and vegetables, all of this is in keeping with the adverse health outcomes among marginalized communities reported in both SHR’s Health Disparities Report (Lemstra, Neudorf, and Beaudin 2007) and Health Canada’s Measuring the Food Environment in Canada (Offi ce of Nutrition Policy and Promotion 2013). Th ese fi ndings are troubling in that they support evidence of neighbourhood-level Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 72 inequities of health determinants across the city, specifi cally in terms of residents’ ability to access a healthful diet. Th is study underscores the need for further research into Saskatoon-specifi c, as well as Canadian-specifi c, inequities in the food environment and what impact this might have on diet-related health outcomes. Further analysis is needed to determine whether produce access varies among other ethno-specifi c populations in Saskatoon and other Canadian cities and, if so, to what extent. Th is study has several limitations. Th ough all grocery stores in residential neighbourhoods were measured, the relatively small number (n=24) may have made it diffi cult to assess relationships with neighbourhood-level SES. Th is initial analysis is, admittedly, a fairly rudimentary fi rst glimpse of Saskatoon’s in-store food environment. Quite likely, more telling relationships will emerge with further examination of individual socio-economic and demographic factors. Th e category of specialty food stores, which includes ethnic grocery stores, were excluded from this analysis, and this may have led to an under-reporting of overall fruit and vegetable access in neighbourhoods, particularly in neighbourhoods that do not have a chain grocery store. However, it is worth noting that the produce available in these stores (such as eggplant and mangoes) are not captured in the measurement tool, likely resulting in a low score on fruit and vegetable access for the neighbourhoods in which they are located. Stores requiring membership, such as Costco, were excluded. Th ese stores off er a relatively wide array of fresh and frozen produce, and excluding them from this analysis may also have contributed to an under-reporting of fruit and vegetable access. A possible limitation of this study is that quality, one of metrics of the in-store tool (along with price and availability), was excluded from further analysis due to its subjective nature (discussed in Data Analysis). Quality points to the desirability of a produce item (whether it is free from spoilage, bruises or other undesirable characteristics that discourage purchase). Unlike price and availability, however, measures of quality are based on the perceptions of each rater and, as such, pose a challenge to objective interpretation. In the subsequent, qualitative phase of this study (not reported here) interviews with primary food purchasers within a household explore their perceptions of quality and produce desirability, both within and outside of their neighbourhoods. Th e assessment of quality from the perspective of neighbourhood residents, though subjective, may be a more useful insight than attempts to capture this through a survey instrument. Overall, there are limits in these types of studies (Lytle 2009), resulting from the sole use of quantitative measures, particularly cross-sectional data (such as measuring in-store off erings without considering individual or neighbourhood-level food shopping practices), a gap which is to be addressed in subsequent phase of this study. Examining the infl uence of the environment on individuals’ food choices may reveal the extent to which the built food environment interacts with choice and how this may infl uence the foods that people eat. Th e more restricted an environment is with regard to the accessibility of healthy, inexpensive options, the more infl uence the physical CJUR summer 24:1 2015 73 Fruit and Vegetable Access in Saskatoon’s Grocery Stores environment may have on decisions about food purchases and consumption (Lytle 2009). Very little is known about appropriate confounders in the relationship between the environment and fruit and vegetable intake. Without knowing which confounders to correct for, certain associations, such as the SES variables used in this study, might be overestimated (Bustillos et al. 2009; Morland et al. 2002). Neighbourhood may be a more appropriate unit of measure than census tract in an ecologic model, but operationalizing the term is much more diffi cult. Th ere are several important issues that pose challenges to defi ning neighbourhoods: people live and function in multiple settings and contexts; people live and work in multiple geographic areas and infl uential environments often intersect; and, single neighbourhoods contain multiple types of environments, including physical, social, cultural, and policy environments (Lytle 2009). Th is further contributes to the notion that people are not confi ned to shopping in their neighbourhood of residence. Individuals are not randomly assigned to neighbourhoods—rather, they locate in neighbourhoods based on their incomes, lifestyles, preferences, proximity to work, and a variety of other factors (Gustafson, Hankins, and Jilcott 2012; McKinnon et al. 2009). Th is type of “self-selection” bias may infl uence the overall SES of a neighbourhood in ways that are diffi cult to measure and properly account for. People with lower incomes, for instance, may have fewer choices of neighbourhoods of residence. A neighbourhood-level approach to analysis may also blur some of the meaningful diff erences among the population, where households of greatly varying food security may live within the same neighbourhood. Despite these limitations, this study contributes an important baseline dataset from which to implement and build upon further Canadian food environment research, particularly in smaller urban centres such as Saskatoon. An analysis of a smaller, Prairie city contributes to Canadian urban research by providing a comparison to the larger cities where research tends to be focused—such as Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver—illustrating diff erences in built food environments in a demographically and geographically distinct city. Given the signifi cant health inequities that exist in Saskatoon, this research is both timely and needed. Th is study represents the fi rst attempt to measure in-store food off erings in the city, giving weight to the hypothesis that lower SES neighbourhoods have a greater preponderance of unhealthy food choices, and that such SES diff erences may also manifest as race-based diff erences. It is the fi rst study in Canada, to our knowledge, that captures the discrepancy in urban fruit and vegetable access and Aboriginal ancestry. Like a number of other food environment studies (Larsen and Gilliland 2008; Apparicio, Cloutier, and Shearmur 2007; Spence et al. 2009)or disadvantaged areas of cities with relatively poor access to healthy and aff ordable food. Th is paper explores the evolution of food deserts in a mid-sized Canadian city (London, Ontario, the fi ndings Canadian Journal of Urban Research / Revue canadienne de recherche urbaine CJUR summer 24:1 2015 74 of this study suggest that, overall, food items within stores may not be consistently associated with low-income or other socioeconomic variables. However, given the complex nature of measuring in-store contents and the infl uence of a wide range of socioeconomic and demographic variables, it remains to be determined to what extent the consumer food environment aff ects the diet of a population. Objective measures alone can only provide a partial picture, and there is a need to better understand how people perceive and interact with their food environment in order to improve healthy food access among all neighbourhoods in Saskatoon. 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ORIGINAL PAPER Indigenous peoples’fisheries and food security: a case from northern Canada Durdana Islam 1 &Fikret Berkes 1 Received: 18 August 2015 / Accepted: 14 June 2016 / Published online: 11 July 2016 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht and International Society for Plant Pathology 2016 Abstract Indigenous peoples in northern Canada (at least the off-reserve part of the population) experience food insecurity at a rate which is more than double that of all Canadian house- holds. The Cree community of Norway House in northern Manitoba, which harvests and consumes a great deal of fish, may be an exception and may offer some lessons. The objec- tive of the paper is to address food security through the lens of local fisheries, both commercial and subsistence, of a northern indigenous community, and to develop an integrated approach to analyze food security. The approach uses Sen ’s entitlement theory and the concept of food sovereignty. This mixed- methods research study employed questionnaire surveys among on –reserve commercial and subsistence fishing house- holds, semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and follow-up interviews for verification. During commercial fishing seasons (spring/summer and fall), fishers and their helpers share their fish harvest extensively through their fam- ilies and communal networks, reaching almost half of the total population of the community. Such extensive sharing and the continuing community-based fishery have contributed to Norway House having more than 90 % food secure house- holds, comparable to the Canadian average. Norway House may provide an example for other northern indigenous com- munities regarding food insecurity through use of fish and other traditional foods. The proposed integrated approach may be useful for analyzing food security in general. Keywords Indigenous peoples . Sharing . Community-based fisheries . Entitlement theory . Food sovereignty, Manitoba Introduction Most of the world ’s undernourished and food insecure people live in low-income areas of developing countries; however, food insecurity is also an issue for Canada (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). More than 12 % of Canadian households experienced moderate to severe food insecurity in 2011 (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). This rate was higher among Indigenous communities but data are in- complete because on-reserve populations are not represented (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). According to data from the 2011 Canadian Community Health Survey, off- reserve aboriginal households across Canada experienced food insecurity at a rate more than double that of all Canadian households (i.e., 27 %) (Council of Canadian Academies 2014 ). Female-headed households with children consistently reported even higher rates of food insecurity. More women than men are affected (Beaumier and Ford 2010). Food inse- curity rates were even higher among the poorer aboriginal households, that is, those on social assistance. In 2007 –2008, 55 % of off-reserve aboriginal households living on social assistance were food insecure (Health Canada 2012). Food insecurity is often associated with a nutrition transi- tion from a high protein low carbohydrate diet to a high sugar and fat diet of processed foods (Kuhnlein et al. 2004,2013 ). This changing dietary pattern is, in turn, linked to the decline of the indigenous way of life, less time being spent on the land, and the abandonment of traditional ways of obtaining food by fishing, hunting and trapping. For example, in the James Bay area, northern Quebec, there has been a sharp decline, from about 46 % in the 1976 –81 period to 15 % in * Durdana Islam [email protected]; [email protected] 1 Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba, 70 Dysart Road, Winnipeg, MB R3T 2N2, Canada Food Sec. (2016) 8:815 –826 DOI 10.1007/s12571-016-0594-6 the 2004–08 period, in the proportion of Cree families going on the land for lengthy periods (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Similarly, Usher ( 2002) found a sharp de- cline of fish and wildlife harvesting on a per capita basis from the1960 –65 period to the 1988 –97 period in the Northwest Territories. The reasons for these declines and the failure of the devel- opment of a new economy and a nutritionally viable lifestyle to replace the old way of life in the Canadian North and spe- cifically among Indigenous people are complex, and beyond the scope of this paper. As analyzed by the Council of Canadian Academies ( 2014), the reasons include the high cost of access to and purchase of healthy foods; problems of access to resources, caused by environmental change, and increas- ingly by climate change; environmental damage and pollution from large projects, such as dams and mines, with ensuing heavy metal problems; government ’s social policies, includ- ing those that have been characterized by some as cultural genocide; loss of skills and knowledge to obtain local foods; lack of nutrition education for store-bought foods; and chang- ing food preferences, away from healthy local wild foods and toward store-bought processed foods, high in sugars and fats. Interestingly, nutrition-related problems among Canadian Indigenous peoples have a great deal in common with those elsewhere in the world (Kuhnlein et al. 2013). Food security issues are complex and interdisciplinary in nature, and they need to be addressed from a holistic perspec- tive, focusing on the interconnectedness of various sectors of the food system, the ecological, economic/business, and the social. The ecological dimension includes the biological man- agement of the resource (Ayles et al. 2011) and the overlap of commercial and subsistence fisheries (Islam and Berkes 2016 ). Moreover, food security studies for Indigenous people would be incomplete without the social dimension, including the consideration of their perspectives and cultural values (Power 2008) and attributes of traditional foods (Lambden et al. 2007). In the present paper, we approach this problem through the lens of local fisheries, both commercial and sub- sistence, in one northern Indigenous community in Canada. There is evidence that fishing livelihoods play an important role in household food security both in mid-northern Canada (Morrison 2011; Rudolph and McLachlan 2013;Thompson et al. 2014) and internationally (Hanazaki et al. 2013;Fiorella et al. 2014; Kawarazuka and Béné 2010). However, the role of fisheries in food security has been understudied in the litera- ture (Grafton et al. 2015; Kittinger et al. 2015). Fish are an important source of protein and different types of essential nutrients, such as vitamin A, calcium, iron and zinc. Fisheries need more attention in addressing food security (Pilling et al. 2015;Bénéetal. 2015; Población2013; Kawarazuka and Béné 2010). Among Indigenous communities in the Canadian north, including the northern parts of the Province of Manitoba, fishing is considered as a part of culture. Many aboriginal communities regard fish as a staple resource because of its relatively reliable nature and abundance. In large parts of northern Canada, of the various groups of wild foods (big game such as moose, small game, migratory waterfowl such as ducks and geese, and plant foods such as berries), fish have the highest potential for helping meet local food needs (Berkes 1990 ,2012 ). In different parts of northern Canada, estimates of the annual harvestable fish supply greatly exceed the actual levels of harvest (Friesen and Nelson 1978 ; McCart and Den Be ste 1979 ). There has also been a major decline in the num- ber of small-scale Indigenous commercial fisheries that once dotted the mid-northern Canadian landscape, indicating a presently unused fishery potential. Despite reduced productivity due to environmental prob- lems, fish and other wild resources are abundant enough in many areas to help with food security. Berkes et al. ( 1994) conducted a harvest study in Hudson and James Bay Lowlands, Ontario, and their findings indicated that if wild food harvests were distributed equitably and fully utilized, they could provide the protein needs of the entire regional population. Traditionally, fish were a major part of local food resources almost everywhere in Canada, and the sig- nificance of fish to Indigenous peoples is illustrated by their selection of summer meeting places (and later, reserves) adjacent to good fishing areas (Tough 1996). Fishing plays an important role in bringing people together socially and culturally, including the celebration of Indigenous tradi- tions, such as the First Salmon ceremony in the Pacific Northwest (Berkes 2012). To deal with the complexities of food security issues, we use two concepts to analyze our case. The first is Sen ’s( 1981 ) idea of entitlements, which addresses the relationship between food consumption and distribution. The second is the concept of food sovereignty, which addresses the relationship between production and distribution. In the 1980s Nobel laureate Amartya Sen brought a para- digm shift in the literature by turning the focus of food security from Bavailability ^to Bentitlement ^.Sen( 1981) theorized food security as Bentitlement to food ^and analyzed its rele- vance in famine situations (Devereux 1993;Maxwell1996 ). Theory of entitlement became a major part of food security analysis, and food security was defined as being a Bproblem of food supply with reference to the importance of access and entitlement ^(Maxwell 1996,p.156).Sen( 1981, p. 45) point- ed out that BA person starves either because he does not have the ability to command enough food, or because he does not use his ability to avoid starvation; a person is reduced to star- vation if some change occurs either in his endowment (e.g., alienation of land, loss of labor power, ill health) or in his exchange entitlement (e.g., fall in wages, rise in food prices, loss of employment, drop in price of foods he produces) ^. Therefore, the failure to obtain food may be characterized as 816 D. Islam, F. Berkes anBentitlement failure ^(Sen and Drèze 1989). The concept of entitlement holds that food insecurity and persistent hunger are indicators of low livelihood resilience of the poor, who lack capacity either to produce sufficient food for themselves or lack financial ability to purchase food through a regular food system (Sen 1981,1984 ). Typically, people who depend on irregular income from daily wage labor (for example bar- bers, weavers, shoemakers) and lack productive assets fall into this category (Sen 1981). Severe food insecurity and acute malnutrition may occur when the entitlement of a person or community is disturbed by various socio-economic and envi- ronmental factors. The entitlement framework is beneficial for analyzing causes of food insecurity as it helps to disaggregate the reasons why a person or group may become vulnerable to becoming unable to access food (Chisholm and Tyers 1982). In the 1990s, another major paradigm shift occurred in the literature of food security, Bfood sovereignty ^, which is con- ceived as a genuine precondition of food security (Patel 2009). Food sovereignty is a term that was coined by the members of Via Campesina, a peasant movement, in 1996 (Nyéléni 2007). B Food sovereignty is broadly defined as the right of nations and peoples to control their own food systems, including their own markets, production modes, food cultures and environ- ments ^(Desmarais et al. 2011, p.20). Food sovereignty refers to a policy framework advocating the rights of peasants, farmers, women, Indigenous peoples, and minorities to define their own food and agriculture system and not to become victims of international markets (Windfuhr and Jonsén 2005; Rosset 2008; Wittman 2009). The conventional definition of food security does not cover the social aspect of the food system (Haugen 2009; Patel 2009; Morrison 2011). The food sove- reignty approach tries to address this gap. For example, inmates of a prison can be food secure; or a northern Indigenous com- munity can be made food secure b y flying in low cost nutritious food (as has been suggested by some scholars), but this does not provide food sovereignty. A righ ts-based approach is the hall- mark of food sovereignty in add ressing the interplay between production and distribution, while Sen’ s theory uses entitlement thinking to analyze why food insecurity occurs in the first place. Both theories have contributed t o the food security literature by shifting the paradigm from availability to entitlement to a rights-based approach. Our objective in this paper is to address food security as related to fish and local fisheries of an Indigenous community, and to develop an integrated approach to analyze the role of these fisheries. The results are presented under four headings: (1) background findings and the community context, (2) fre- quency of fish consumption, (3) sharing fish and other wild foods, and (4) significance of fisheries in household food se- curity, followed by the Discussion in which we develop an integrated model to analyze food security applicable to Indigenous communities. The findings of this study help the understanding of food security by viewing it through the lens of fisheries, an approach which may be useful for similar Indigenous communities elsewhere. Regarding terminology, Bsubsistence fishing ^is referred to in the literature also as Bfood fishing ^,Bdom estic fishing ^,and B native harvesting ^(Berkes 1988). In this paper we use the term subsistence fishing and food fishing interchangeably, and define food fisheries as Blocal, non-commercial fisheries, ori- ented not primarily for recreation but for the procurement of fish for consumption of the fishers, their families and commu- nity ^(Berkes 1988, p. 319). Commercial fisheries are often defined as those conducted by licenced fishers for sale of fish. The term BIndigenous people ^may be used interchangeably with Baboriginal people ^, in preference to Bnative people ^. The term BIndian ^is no longer used in Canada, except in a legal sense. Indigenous peoples in Canada are referred to as First Nations, and also include Inuit and Métis. Study area and methods of data collection Norway House Cree Nation is located 450 km north of Winnipeg on the convergence of Lake Winnipeg and the Nelson River in northern Manitoba, Canada. Norway House is accessible by an all-season road and by air. The resident population is 4758 (Statistics Canada 2013). The majority of community members are Cree, one of the largest Indigenous groups in Canada that extends across the boreal and subarctic regions from Labrador to British Columbia. There are few job opportunities available considering the relatively large popu- lation of the community. The majority of the community members support themselves with limited social assistance from the government. The band council, schools, hospital and fisherman’ s co-op are the largest employers in the community. Fishing is an important part of livelihood in Norway House, similar to many other Indigenous communities else- where in Canada. Community members engage themselves both in commercial and subsistence fishing. Norway House Fisherman ’s Co-op was established in 1962. The Co-op owns and controls all commercial fishing licences. There are 50 active (and two inactive) commercial fishing li- cences. If a commercial fishe r is not actively fishing for two consecutive years then his commercial fishing licence becomes inactive. All comme rcial fishers have to be a member of the Fisherman ’s Co-op. Commercial fishing in Manitoba is regulated and fishers have to sell their catches to the Freshwater Fish Marketing Corporation located in Winnipeg. Norway House fishers sell their catch through the Co-op. There are two commercial fishing seasons spring/summer and fall. Most of the fishers have fishing cabins on the lake. During fishing seasons, some fishers take their families with them to live in fishing cabins. The majority of the commercial fishing takes place in Lake Indigenous fisheries in northern Canada 817 Winnipeg (the tenth largest lake in the world), Playgreen Lake and Kiskittogisu Lake.Historically fishing was considered as a family activity and this tradition still continues. Community members of all ages go food fishing throughout the y ear. People mostly use angling, or gillnets and boats and go to nearby rivers for subsistence fishing. Residents also participate in other traditional activities, hunting, trapping and berry picking. Schools at Norway House encourage students to participate in traditional means of living by offering outdoor courses and providing them with hands-on training in fishing and hunting. People share traditional foods (fish, moose meat and small game) with their families, neigh- bors and friends. The Chief and Band council play an important role in keeping cultural activities alive by organizing traditional feasts around the year, when the whole community gets toge- ther to celebrate and enjoy traditional food and activities. We conducted the study over a period of 14 months from September 2013 to November 2014, asking about household harvests in the previous year, that is, 2012 –2013. The study included commercial fishers and subsistence fishers as re- search participants. We also interviewed the president, secre- tary and members of Norway House Fisherman ’s Co-op. This mixed-methods research study employed semi-structured in- terviews with key informants and focus group discussions. This was followed by household questionnaire surveys and follow up interviews. The questionnaires included two questions on food security based on Health Canada ( 2012) (for details see BResults^ sections regarding Figs. 4and 5). Interviews and survey questions were designed to follow community norms for acceptable language and respect. The questions were pretested with selected fishers and co-op mem- bers and modifications were made based on their feedback. We employed two community researchers and trained them to conduct questionnaire surveys. The follow up interviews and focus group discussions were conducted by the principal in- vestigator, with the help of community researchers. We conducted a total of 23 follow up interviews. For these interviews, we sampled by dividing fishers into four subgroups (1) commercial fishers (N = 8) (2) subsistence fishers ( N=8)(3) retired elder commercial fishers ( N= 3), and (4) elder subsis- tence fishers (N = 4). We interviewed these seven elders to gain some historic insights into commercial and subsistence fisher- ies. Some of these senior fishers could only communicate in the Cree language, requiring a translator. All commercial fishers and the majority of the subsistence fishers were male. In the past, females used to participate in subsistence fishing; howev- er, that happens rare ly at present. Additio nally, we interviewed two female elders who had been active in subsistence fishing. We conducted two sets of questionnaire surveys among commercial and food fishing households. Among 50 commer- cial fishing households, the study covered 35 households (i.e., 70 % of the total). We used snowball sampling for the com- mercial fishing household survey. For subsistence fishing households, we had 100 completed surveys or about 10 % to 15 % of the total number of house- holds in the community (assuming 6 persons per household). We used stratified sampling because harvesting tends to be highly skewed, with a few households contributing a dispro- portionate share of the harvest (see Berkes et al. 1994). To choose the sample, we asked household heads to identify them- selves as Bintensive ^or Bactive^ orBoccasional ^harvesters or non-harvesters. BIntensive harvesters ^were defined as har- vesters bringing home Ba lot ^of traditional food. BActive harvesters ^were those bringing home Bsome but not a lot ^of traditional food. BOccasional harvesters ^were those bringing traditional food only occasionally. We included some commer- cial fishing households in the sample of subsistence fishing households because the majority of the commercial fishers did participate in food fishing outside of the commercial fishing seasons (only 11 weeks of the year). We also included Bpoor ^ households (those living only on social assistance), non- harvesting households, old-age homes, and female-headed households to cover the vulnerable segments of the community. Thus, Bsubsistence fishing households ^in the results sections include some households that are in fact non-harvesters. The data gathered from the questionnaire survey were veri- fied by follow-up interviews and focus group discussions. The follow-up interviews were used to verify specific household questionnaire results and to expand on some of the points raised. For verifying general, community-wide findings, we arranged two separate focus group discuss ions involving five commercial fishers and five subsistence fishers. For data verification, we prepared visual displays (posters , graphs and charts), to present to the Chief and Band Council, the Fisherman ’s Co-op, and key informants. All data of household surveys were anonymous. We used Excel spreadsheets to process the data from household questionnaire surveys and to create tables and figures. Results Background f indings and the community context Community members participate in various activities that pro- duce food such as fishing, hunting, and berry picking. Some kinds of tourism also produce game and fish, caught by tourists for pleasure and given away to local households for consump- tion. We were interested to find out which activities produced food for domestic purposes. Participants in commercial and subsistence fishing households were asked to describe activities that produced food for household consumption. The major food producing activities were fishing , hunting and trapping, follow- ed by berry picking, tourism and other (Fig. 1). Commercial fishers would fish for commercial purposes during the fishing season, and many would be involved actively in food fishing as well when the commerial fishing season was over. Most of the 818 D. Islam, F. Berkes commercial fishers we interviewedalsohuntedandtrappedin the off season. In both commerical and food fishing house- holds, fishing was the number one traditional activity in pro- ducing food for household consumption. CommercialfishinginNorwayHousetakesplacefor 11 weeks spread over spring/summer and fall seasons. Food fishing does not have such restrictions, and can occur anytime during the year, including winter under the ice. Some 77 % of households reported that they participated in food fishing (in- cluding angling) activities. Of those households reporting fishing, the majority took part in spring/summer fishing (90 %) and fall fishing (80 %); fewer reported winter fishing (35 %). Table 1shows the number of participants and their level of activity in each season for subsistence fishing activities. Both subsistence and commercial fishers at Norway House target similar fish species (Islam and Berkes 2016). The har- vests of commercially profitable fish species are controlled and regulated by fishing quotas. Walleye Sander vitreus(lo- cally called pickerel), lake whitefish Coregonus clupeaformis and sauger Sander canadensis are quota fish; the other species are not. Walleye was the top species harvested in all seasons; seasonally important species included lake whitefish and northern pike, Esox lucius, locally called jackfish (Islam and Berkes 2016). Burbot Lota lota (locally called mariah, with high vitamin D in liver) was the only fish that was not sold commercially but considere d a local delicacy in winter. Seniors in the community appreciate this fish; however, youn- ger generations do not like it as much. Frequency of f ish consumption BMy mother once told me as a little kid we used to have fish and potatoes mixed together as baby food. She fed us with boiled whitefish. She would pour some of the fish juice and mix it with potato to make it soft and that was our baby food. ^-Food fisher B (active harvester), in his 70s, March 2014 We wanted to find out the frequency of eating fish in both commercial and subsistence fishing households. The majority of the households reported eating fish once a week during the year as a whole (Fig. 2). Judging by the results of open-ended questions and follow-up int erviews, commercial fishing households ate fish every day, or nearly so, during the fishing season. Again, availability of fish is seasonal (since fish runs are seasonal) also in the subsistence fishery. So it was impor- tant to find out household strategies when there was Bno fish coming in ^. Commercial fishing househ olds mostly used fish from their own freezers (77 %), and subsistence fishing house- holds mostly received fish from others (70 %) as well as using fish from their own freezers (61 %) (Table 2). The only traditional fish preserva tion technique still used is smoking.Accordingtoanelderfisherwomaninher 80s, in the past, people in Norway House also used un- derground storage (the area has, or had, discontinuous permafrost) and made fish pemmican (dried fish pounded with berries and fat). Househo lds reported preparing fish using different cooking methods: frying (99 %), boiling (21 %), smoking (9 %) and baking (1 %). It was interest- ingtonotethatpeopleweremoreinclinedtofryingfish than using the traditional methods of preparing fish (boiling and smoking). Commercial (6 %) and subsistence (4 %) fishing house- holds rarely bought fish from local stores, but bought substi- tute foods instead. Some community members believe that fish collected from the adjacent river are not safe for consump- tion and they also think that fish from lakes are not as tasty as river fish. This motivates them to buy other foods from the 100 88 48 48 143 78 61 1625 318 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Fishing Hunting Trapping Berries Tourism Other Commercial fishing households Subsistence fishing households Fig. 1The activities that produced food for household consumption in 2012 –13 Ta b l e 1 Number of participants reporting their seasonal fishing effort (1 –5days …over 45 days) for subsistence fishing during the year 2012 – 13 ( N=100) 1–5days 5 –15 days 15 –45 days Over 45 days Fall 21 31 4 7 Winter 13 10 3 2 Spring/Summer 25 31 8 5 6 71 23 2 50 48 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Almost every day Once a week Once or twice a month Commercial fishing households Subsistence fishing households Fig. 2How frequently did your family eat fish in the year 2012 –13? Indigenous fisheries in northern Canada 819 local grocery store, passing up the option to catch fresh fish from the river.In the household survey, when we asked household heads if children were eating fish, 100 % of the respondents replied B yes ^. However, during follow-up interviews, many house- hold heads commented that children were, in fact, not eager to eat fish; they were more inclined toward market food. When we conducted focus group discussions with school children, the majority of them (about 70 %) mentioned that they do not prefer to eat fish unless it is cooked in a special way, for example, prepared by grandparents. As well, children who go fishing with their families tend to like and eat fish. There are varying opinions within the community regarding why children are reluctant to eat fish. According to several elders, children develop a taste for fish when they start to eat fish at an early age. Sharing f ish and other wild foods BUs … First Nations people have been sharing with each other for generations and generations. That ’showwe thrive; when one family did not have much and another family had many …they share with each other …that ’s what we do in our communities. It was never about who has this and who has that, not about greed and power. Our tradition is to share with each other to make sure we thrive as a community. When we have fish and wild meat, we share it with each other. Nowadays the gov- ernment is providing all these government food …ev- erybody is getting caught up with paying bills and losing our tradition of living off the land. ^- Commercial fisher A (intensive harvester), March, 2014 Sharing is a big part of Cree culture. We asked both com- mercial and food fishing households about the number of households with whom they shared their harvests of fish and wild food (Fig. 3), and also the number of households from whom they received fish and wild food (Table 3). Both commercial (40 %) and food fishing (54 %) house- holds shared their harvests mostly with one or two other households. Some 34 % of commercial fishing households shared their harvests with six or more households. Only 3 % of the commercial fishing households reported not to share their harvests (Fig. 3). However, these numbers are misleading in estimating the actual level of sharing, based on in-depth interviews with commercial fishers. During the fishingseasoneachcommerc ial fisher typically has two fisher helpers with them on the boat at all times. Almost all the commercial fishers share their catch with their own circle of households as well as the households of their helpers. Based on Fig. 3(where the numbers indicate percentages), the 50 commercial fishers seem to be sharing their fish with a minimum of 125 other households. If the two helpers shared their fish in a similar pattern, the fish taken by the commercial fishery may be reaching three times that number or 375 house- holds. At six persons per household (based on our community survey estimate), this catch may be reaching 2250 people or nearly half of the total population of Norway House. Such widespread sharing is often highlighted by commercial fishers: BIn our community everybody shares food with some- body. When a person is not fishing, he is getting fish from somebody else. And if a person fishes, he shares his catch with somebody else. Everybody is sharing ^- Commercial fisher B (active harvester), March 2014 Ta b l e 2 When there is no fish coming in, what do your family eat instead? Commercial fishing households (%)Subsistence fishing households (%) Someone shares fish with us 26 70 We use fish from our own freezer 77 61 We buy fish from the store 6 4 We buy other food from the store 69 37 340 2334 25 54 13 8 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 None 1 to 2 other 3 to 5 other 6 or more Commercial fishing households subsistence fishing households Fig. 3With how many Norway House households did you regularly share your harvest (fish and other wild foods) in the year 2012 –13? Ta b l e 3 How many other Norway House households regularly sharedtheir harvest with yours in the year 2012 –13? Commercial fishing households (%) Food fishing households (%) None 31 19 1to2other 54 59 3to5other 9 14 6 or more 6 8 820 D. Islam, F. Berkes Some of the commercial fishers indicated that they have a certain number of households (parents, siblings, elderly rela- tives) with whom they regularly shared their harvests. Other kinds of sharing often follow rules of reciprocity, and may be initiated by someone wanting fish. Culturally appropriate ask- ing usually involves indirect questions and dropping hints of need. Nevertheless, it is a common phenomenon during the season that people who need fish to ask for them. BI would go and ask a commercial fisher or an old per- son who has a net in the water, if he would share some of his fish with me. Anybody who has a net in the water, I would go and ask them for fish ^-Food fisher C (occa- sional harvester), May 2014 We asked a commercial fisher about his methods of sharing as he reported sharing his catch with six or more other house- holds. In addition to households in his usual sharing network, he indicated that he would share his extra fish by announcing it on the local radio. Whoever in the community wants fish would be welcome to receive it from his house. This way, he estimated that he shared his catch with some 10 –12 additional households during the fishing season in a given year. BSay I have extra fish, I don ’t throw them away. I put it on a radio for people to come and take it from my house. Sometimes I have seven to ten tubs of fish I bring home ^-Commercial fisher C (intensive harvester), March 2014 Despite extensive sharing, some people commented on a decline of the sharing ethic and a narrowing of sharing circles, perhaps most seriously affecting people who are not part of food sharing networks. Some of the elderly persons we interviewed mentioned that they would like to see more shar- ing of fish and other traditional food among community mem- bers. An elderly widow mentioned that when her husband was around, she had many people offering fish and wild foods. Now that she is on her own, she hardly receives fish and other traditional food. She feels that band council could take some initiatives to make sure that fish and traditional foods are equally distributed to elderly persons, widows, female- headed households who are not in a position to harvest fish and other traditional foods themselves. Turning to receiving fish and other traditional foods (as opposed to giving away), we see that the majority of the com- mercial (54 %) and food (59 %) fishing households receive harvests from one to two other households, indicating a narrowing of food sharing networks (Table 3). These house- holds fall under the category of Bintensive ^or Bactive ^har- vesting and other community members perceive them as har- vesting their own food and sharing (giving) more than receiv- ing. Perhaps surprisingly, 31 % of the commercial fishing and 19 % of the food fishing households reported that they did not receive any harvests from other households (Table 3). Signif icance of f isheries in household food security To understand the state of food security in Norway House, we used the standard questions for food security analysis using Health Canada ( 2007) to make our results comparable with other communities. One of the questions was modified on the basis of pretesting with Norway House community members. We asked respondents how they would best describe their household food consumption over Bthe past 1 month^ . Because the surveys were conducted over several months, B the past 1 month ^for different households occurred during the period, September –December, 2013. There were three re- sponse options: Bnot adequate ^; Bjust adequate ^;and Bmore than adequate ^. Almost two-thirds of the commercial fishing households (63 %) reported that they had Bmore than ade- quate ^; about one-third (34 %) reported Bjust adequate ^food consumption over the past month in their households. Of the subsistence fishing households (81 %) reported to have Bjust adequate ^. Only 3 % of the commercial fishing households and 9 % of the food fishing households reported Bnot ade- quate ^, that is, food insecure (Fig. 4). In another food security question, we asked respon- dents to describe the food eaten in their households in the past 12 months (2012– 13). They had to choose from four given options: (1) Balways had enough of the kinds of food you wanted to eat ^;(2) Balways had enough but not always the kind of food wanted ^;(3) Bsometimes did not have enough to eat ^;and(4) Boften did not have enough to eat ^(Health Canada 2007). Some 71 % of the commer- cial fishing households reported always having enough of the kinds of food they wanted, and 26 % reported that they always had enough but not always the kind of food they wanted (Fig. 5). Among subsistence fishing households, 49 % and 43 % reported, respectively, Bto always have enough of the kind of food they wanted to eat ^and B always had enough but not always the kind of food ^. 3 34 63 9 81 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Not adequate Just adequate More than adequate Commercial fishing households subsistence fishing households Fig. 4Food consumption status of Norway House households over1 month (any month from September to December 2013) Indigenous fisheries in northern Canada 821 Only 5 % of subsistence fishing households indicated that theyBsometimes did not have enough to eat ^, while only 3 % of the commercial fishing households fell in the same category. None of the commercial fishing households responded with Boften did not have enough to eat ^,that is, extreme food insecurity; however 3 % of the subsis- tence fishing households did. Discussion: towards an integrated approach Findings of the household food security questionnaire survey indicate that the 97 % of the commercial fishing and 91 % of the subsistence fishing households are food secure in Norway House, keeping in mind year-to-year variations and other un- certainties inherent in such studies. Numbers in Norway House are comparable to the Canadian average of 92 % and seem to be considerably better than that for many other com- munities in the Canadian North for which data are available, but these data are not strictly comparable, in part because of lack of representation of on-reserve populations, as First Nations have opted out of such government surveys (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Can Norway House be a model for other northern communities? What is it that Norway House community is doing that makes a difference in food security? Part of the explanation is that people still go on land and participate in traditional activities of fishing, hunting, and trap- ping. However, all of these activities have declined consider- ably over the decades. For example, according to our surveys, only about 4 % of the Norway House households consider themselves as Bintensive ^harvesters (along with 18 % Bac- tive ^,58% Boccasional ^, and 20 % non-harvesters). We only have qualitative information in the present study, but the num- ber of days spent on the land has declined, consistent with other northern communities (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Fewer people go subsistence fishing, spend fewer days in harvesting, and tend to use rod-and-reel fishing, as opposed to gillnets which often help bring back a surplus catch to the community. Hunting is reduced to a few days at a hunting camp and weekend hunting. Because of the collapse of fur markets since the 1980s, trapping does not even cover the cost of equipment and fuel. In Norway House, trapping is reduced largely to snowshoe hare (locally called rabbit) snar- ing. The sharing ethic is still relatively strong, but there is not much to share from the food that comes from the subsistence harvest. Nevertheless, the sharing of fish from the commercial fishery is part of the explanation for the relatively high level of food security. Norway House is rare in having a well- functioning commercial fishery; most Indigenous communities do not. Another major factor behind high food security is that Norway House has an all-season road connection to the south and hence cost of southern foods in the community is not as high as elsewhere. By comparison, many northern Indigenous communities only have air connection or a seasonal winter road (using compacted snow and ice) to the south and seem to suffer from severe food insecurity (Thompson et al. 2012). Norway House does have problems of resource access due to hydroelectric development, similar to many other Indigenous northern communities, and mines in the area, but perhaps not as much as elsewhere. Having a commercial fishery and a strong sharing ethic are no doubt important, but not sufficient in themselves to fully explain food security in Norway House. To understand the larger picture of food security in Norway House and else- where, an integrated approach is needed. To do so would help to analyze Indigenous food systems and tease out what distin- guishes Norway House from others. Allen ( 1999) has argued that, the food system in Canada has produced abundance on the one side and food insecurity on the other, because production and consumption of food have been dealt with as separate issues. To address food inse- curity, it is important to consider the entire food system and the linkages between different parts of the system –produc- tion, distribution and consumption. In this respect, we argue that a holistic understanding of Indigenous food security re- quires an integrated approach which takes production, 71 26 30 49 43 53 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Always had enough ofthe kinds of food you wanted to eat. Always had enough but not always the kind Sometimes did not have enough to eat. Often didn’t have enough to eat. Commercial fishin g households subsistence fishin g households Fig. 5 The statements that best describes the food eaten in your household in the past 12 months (2012 –13) 822 D. Islam, F. Berkes distribution and consumption into consideration. Such an ap- proach effectively combines Sen’s entitlement thinking (Sen 1981 ) and the food sovereignty concept (Desmarais et al. 2011 ). The reason why both approaches are necessary is that food sovereignty considers production and distribution as- pects of the food system, whereas entitlement theory empha- sises distribution and consumption (Fig. 6). Sen ’s entitlement theory and the food sovereignty concept, which use a rights based approach, complement each other. Sen’ s entitlement theory is applicable in the context of Indigenous people in Canada, as there is a surplus of aquatic food resources in most places in northern Canada (McCart and Den Beste 1979) and yet many communities are food insecure (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Sen ( 1999,1981 ) pointed out that famine occurred in Bangladesh in 1974 de- spite peak grain production. He argued that people suffered from severe food insecurity and died of starvation in the mid- dle of abundance, as they did not have access or entitlement to food. Similarly, in the Canadian Indigenous context, there is an abundance of natural resources, especially fish, and yet many communities are suffering from food insecurity. Sen ’s argument holds here as communities have, in part, lost their entitlement due to the complex of reasons summarized in the introduction of this paper. This loss is manifested by a decline in the Indigenous way of life and in the nutrition transition from traditional foods to store-bought foods (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). The apparent high levels of food security in Norway House can be interpreted using Fig. 6. Focusing on the food system with respect to fisheries, there is no overfishing problem (at least at present, Ayles et al. 2011). Norway House fishers can use this production since they have harvesting rights for both commercial and subsistence fisheries. Food production and distribution overlap through an effective sharing system (Fig. 3and Table 3) that reaches half of the total population, when sharing from the commercial fishery is factored in. Beneficiaries of the sharing include non-harvesters of tradi- tional foods, providing direct and transfer entitlement and resulting in increased food security. However, the local fishery can never be the only answer to local food security problems. The contemporary Indigenous food system comprises traditional foods and market foods (Lambden et al. 2006). The production, distribution and con- sumption of these two kinds of foods are fundamentally dif- ferent (Table 4). Because of shifting cultural values, as well as the complex of factors militating against traditional foods, the consumption of traditional food has declined, and the con- sumption of market food has increased (Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996; Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Nutrition transition in the Canadian north need not necessarily lead to food insecurity. However, high unemployment and lack of financial resources result in people purchasing market foods of low nutritional quality. Thus, the combination of the financial inability to afford nutritionally high quality market foods, and lack of access to traditional foods, contribute to poor nutrition and food insecurity within Indigenous communities (Kuhnlein et al. 2013; Kuhnlein and Soueida 1992). Indigenous people collect traditional foods through har- vesting, that is, Sen ’s( 1981 )Bdirect entitlement ^. When it comes to distribution of traditional foods, Indigenous people share their harvest, known as Btransfer entitlement ^(Sen 1981 ). Consumption of traditional foods play an integral role in maintaining nutritional quality in the diet, as compared to cheap market food, which is often of inferior nutritional qual- ity (Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996; Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Although, traditional food is nutritious, tasty, healthy, inexpensive (assuming people have the appro- priate equipment and skills/knowledge), and socially and Food system Food S overeignty Approach Emphasize local food production and distribution Rights based approach Sen’s Entitlement approach Direct entitlement Indirect entitlement Transfer entitlement Consumption Distribution Production Fig. 6 An integrated approach to look at the overall food system to address food security/insecurity Indigenous fisheries in northern Canada 823 culturally beneficial (Kuhnlein et al.2004), Indigenous com- munities are inclining more towards market food, Bindirect entitlement ^in Sen ’s( 1981 ) terminology. The Council of Canadian Academies ( 2014) advocated a complex of measures, includin g the import of higher nutri- tional quality store food and reducing transportation costs to make good food more accessible to communities. In fact, it is entirely feasible to achieve food security by making inexpensive, high quality food available. However, to achieve food sovereignty, which encourages food autono- my and the rights of Indigenous people to enjoy, consume and produce their traditional food in a culturally acceptable manner (Pimbert 2007;Patel2009), communities need to be able to produce more of their own food, especially pro- tein rich food. Therefore, we argue that food policy empha- sis should be on decreasing indirect entitlement and in- creasing direct entitlement, in this case, by the use of tradi- tional foods. However, this is not easy to do in the context of economic realities and changing cultural values. What can be done to increase direct entitlement? One possibility is the development of one of the sectors of the traditional economy to act as an Bengine ^to increase the production of local food. In the case of Norway House, the commercial fishery provides this function; it acts as the engine of traditional food production through the community-wide sharing of the fish, including the by-catch and commercially under-utilized species. The traditional economy that supplies fish is supplemented by a continuing subsistence fishery. But the subsistence fishery alone is not sufficient for food security, simply because it does not provide much of a surplus to be shared. Conclusion Subsistence or food fisheries are often important for local food security but have been neglected in the literature (Kittinger et al. 2015). Our study shows some of the potentials and lim- itations in using the local fishery potential for increasing food security. Norway House, with more than 90 % food secure households, provides an example for other Indigenous com- munities in northern Canada in how to deal with food insecu- rity through fuller use of fish and other traditional foods, consistent with the recommendation of Council of Canadian Academies ( 2014). The key to food security of Norway House is the commercial fishery which brings in a greater harvest to share through communal networks than does the subsistence fishery alone. Even though the commercial fishery involves a relative- ly small number of fishers and is primarily carried out to produce a profit, as in any commercial venture, it plays a major role in food security. Commercial fishers and their helpers share their catch with a large network of other households. The sharing ethic in the community results in an infusion of high quality protein mostly from species other than those that have a high market value, reaching about half of the Norway House resident population. This comes at a time when traditional fish and wildlife harvest- ing have declined throughout the Canadian north (Council of Canadian Academies 2014). Subsistence fisheries which used to produce much food for the community (Berkes 2012) no longer do so. Many food fishers use angling to cut down on fishing costs; this results in an individualized approach, fishing mainly for one ’s own household con- sumption, and results in the r eduction of sharing within the community. The commercial fishery is seasonal (spring/summer and fall) and takes place over only 11 weeks. However, house- holds in the community use freezers to store fish to tide them over lean periods, and also carry out food fishing. Nevertheless, there are periods in which households are vul- nerable to lack of local fish protein. As well, there are vulner- abilities by social group. Some people and households are vulnerable because sharing of food mostly occurs among households of extended families and a common network of people. This leaves out those who are not part of these net- works, for example, widows, seniors, and female-headed households. Some community members, mostly seniors, rec- ommended that a list of food sharing households be prepared and updated by the First Nation ’s Band office so that tradi- tional foods may be distributed and shared more equitably among households to ensure increased food security at the community level. Such measures, and the more complete uti- lization of the available traditional foods, could result in the increase of direct entitlement and transfer entitlement, and thus improve food sovereignty. Ta b l e 4 First Nation food system comprises of both traditional food and market food Type of food Production Distribution Consumption Traditional food Local natural resources; based on traditional knowledge and skills Locally harvested and shared within family and communal networks Culturally important; based on traditional taste and values Market food Industrially produced and processed Usually imported from southern urban centers; bought from grocery stores; often expensive; not sharedRelated to economic ability to purchase; convenience; change in taste 824 D. Islam, F. Berkes AcknowledgmentsWe thank the Chief and Band Council of Norway House Cree Nation for providing us the opportunity to work with the community. We are grateful to the President and many members of Norway House Fisherman ’s Co-op and households who participated in the survey. We are thankful to our community researchers Cheryl Mckay and Darrell Evans, and translator Maryann Ross. The research was sup- ported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Canada Research Chairs program ( http://www.chairs- ). Compliance with ethical standards Conflict of interest There is no potential conflict of interest. Human participants Research involving human participants has been cleared by the University of Manitoba Ethics Committee. Informed consent Informed consent forms were used in the question- naire survey as well as formal interviews and focus groups. References Allen, P. (1999). Reweaving the food security safety net: mediating enti- tlement and entrepreneurship. Agriculture and Human Values, 16 , 117 –129. Ayles, G.B., Campbell, K., Gilli s, D., Saunders, L., Scott, K.J., Tallman, R., Traverse, N. (2011). Technical Assessment of the Status, Health and Sustainable Harvest Levels of the Lake Winnipeg Fisheries Resource. 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Transforming knowledge and ways of knowing for food sovereignty . London: International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED). Población, E. A. (2013). Fisheries and food security in Timor-Leste: the effects of ritual meat exchanges and market chains on fishing. Food Security, 5 ,807–816. Power, E. M. (2008). Conceptualizing food security for aboriginal people in Canada. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 99 (2), 95–97. Rosset, P. (2008). Food sovereignty and contemporary food crisis. Development, 51 (4), 460–463. Rudolph, K. R., & McLachlan, S. M. (2013). Seeking indigenous food sovereignty: origins of and responses to the food crisis in northern Manitoba, Canada. Local Environment, 18 (9), 1079–1098. Sen, A. (1981). Poverty and famines: An essay on entitlement and deprivation . Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sen, A. K. (1984). Good and people. In A. K. Sen (Ed.), Resources, values and development . Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom . New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Inc.. Sen, A., & Drèze, J. (1989). Hunger and public action. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Statistics Canada. 2013. Norway House Cree Nation, Indian band area, Manitoba (Code 630278) (table). National Household Survey (NHS) Aboriginal Population Profile. 2011 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 99 –011-X2011007. Ottawa. Released November 13, 2013. /dp-pd/aprof/index.cfm?Lang=E (accessed 20 July 2015). Thompson, S., Kamal, A. G., Alam, M. A., & Wiebe, J. (2012). Community development to feed th e family in northern Manitoba communities: evaluating food activities based on their food sovereign- ty, food security, and sustainable livelihood outcomes. Canadian Journal of Nonprofit and Social Economy Research, 3 (2), 43–66. Thompson, S., Rony, M., & Temmer, J. (2014). Pulling in the indigenous fishery cooperative net: fishing for sustainable livelihoods and food security in Garden Hill first nation, Manitoba, Canada. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, 4 (3), 177 –192. Tough, F. (1996). As their natural resources fail . Vancouver: University of British Colombia Press. Usher, P. (2002). Inuvialuit use of the Beaufort Sea and its resources. Arctic, 55 (supplement 1), 18 –28. Windfuhr, M., & Jonsén, J. (2005). Food sovereignty: towards democra- cy in localized food systems. FoodFirst Information & Action Network . Warwickshire, UK: ITDG Publishing. Wittman, H. (2009). Reworking the metabolic rift: la Vía Campesina, ag rarian citizenship, and food sovereignty. Journal of Peasant Studies, 36 (4), 805–826. Durdana Islam is a PhD candi- date at the Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba. She received a number of scholar- ships for her doctoral studies which include the prestigious Joseph – Armand Bombardier Canada Graduate Scholarship (CGS) doc- toral Award offered by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), Canada (2010 – 2013), Northern Scientific Training program (NSTP) (2011-2012), NRI Provincial Grant (2010-2011), Manitoba Hydro Graduate Fellowship (2010-2011) and researc h grant from Transmedia and Justice Group (2010-2011). She earned her Masters degree in Environmental Management and Development from The Australian National University in 2008 with distinction and was a recipient of the Asian Development Bank ’s scholarship for pursuing her graduate degree from Australia. She completed her MBA from Royal Roads University, Canada in 2004 and received the Vice Chancellor ’s Award for academic excellen ce. For her doctoral thesis, Durdana is working with indigenous communities in northern Manitoba, Canada. Her work focuses on looking at indigenous fisheries, the interaction between commercial and subsistence fisheries and food security in aboriginal communities. Dr. Fikret Berkes is Distinguished Professor, Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba, and Canada Research Chair in Community-Based Resource Management. He holds a PhD de- gree in Marine Sciences from McGill University, Montreal. In the area of food security, Dr. Berkes has worked on subsistence fisheries, northern harvesti ng studies, and in- digenous land use systems. He has expertise on the role of indigenous and traditional knowledge in food harvesting, and the impact of envi- ronmental change. Most recently, he was a member of the Expert Panel on the State of Knowledge of Food Security in Northern Canada, Council of Canadian Academies, and a co-author of CCA ’s 2014 report. Dr. Berkes is best known for his work on linked social- ecological systems (interrelations between societies and their resources) and commons theory. He is the author of Coasts for People (Routledge, 2015), Sacred Ecology(3rd edition, Routledge, 2012), and editor of Linking Social and Ecological Systems (Cambridge University Press, 1998), and Navigating Social-Ecological Systems (Cambridge University Press, 2003). 826 D. Islam, F. Berkes
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Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty: Sustenance, Strategy, and Politics in an Urban Neighborhood Christiana Miewald Centre for Sustainable Community Development, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada; [email protected] Eugene McCann Department of Geography, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada; [email protected] Abstract:This paper argues that food should be a more central focus of critical geograph- ical research into urban poverty and that the concept of“foodscape”can contribute to this literature. We utilize the concept in a study of the daily practices of accessing food among low-income residents of the Downtown Eastside neighborhood of Vancouver, BC. We highlight how food access for the urban poor involves a complex and contradictory negotiation of both sites of encounter and care and also exclusion and regulation. Focusing on foodscapes emphasizes the social, relational, and political construction of food and thus highlights not simply food provision but also questions of existing power structures and potentialities for future change. Therefore, we discuss efforts to question the existing food system in Vancouver, to resist the gentrification processes that threaten the Downtown Eastside’s food resources, and to build alternative strategies for urban food justice. Keywords:food security, foodscape, survival, poverty, politics Introduction The geography of food provision and consumption for very low-income and marginalized people in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside neighborhood is full of contradictions and juxtapositions. In the space of a few blocks there are dozens of free and low-cost food providers, including soup kitchens, subsidized cafeterias, and drop-in centers (Li 2010). 1On the streets, people stand in block-long line- ups for hot meals. Church groups hand out sandwiches in the parks. Social service agencies provide food to encourage participation in their programs. Corner stores advertise ice cream, soda, and 99 cent pizza while grocers in nearby Chinatown sell inexpensive produce. Food is sold or bartered on sidewalks along with used clothes, bicycle parts, and myriad other wares. Community gardens and urban farms have sprung up in previously empty lots, providing an opportunity for residents to grow their own food. Inside some of the single room occupancy (SRO) hotels where many residents live, social service organizations run community kitchens to compensate for SROs’lack of facilities and space for storing or preparing food. AntipodeVol. 46 No. 2 2014 ISSN 0066-4812, pp. 537–556 doi: 10.1111/anti.12057 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. Despite being a low-income neighborhood, food is everywhere on the Downtown Eastside. There are soup kitchens, community gardens, corner stores and trendy cafes. Yet, many of its low-income residents are food insecure, meaning that they experience difficulty in accessing enough nutritious food through safe and predictable channels. Indeed, for low-income people on the Downtown Eastside,finding adequate shelter, healthcare, and food is often a daily struggle. The neighborhood is commonly known for homelessness, marginal housing, addiction, and mental and physical health challenges, including HIV/AIDS. Yet, as Masuda and Crabtree (2010:661) point out, residents have“a paradoxical relationship”with the neighborhood. Despite the daily challenges of living there, it“is a place that encourages healing through acceptance, solidarity, and community”(Masuda and Crabtree 2010:661). Of course, food is central to survival for all low-income urban residents. Yet, the extensive literature on urban poverty, service provision, and everyday survival strategies in cities of the global North has tended to decenter food as a focus of analysis. While much of the literature acknowledges the importance of food access and provision in the lives of the urban poor, it tends to refer to food as one element within broader discussions of street-level survival (eg Cloke et al 2008; Wilson and Keil 2008). However, at the present conjuncture in global North cities, food is squarely on the agenda of municipal attempts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by replacing imported goods with local food from urban agriculture and farmers’ markets while food consumption itself is a fashionable cultural marker of class dis- tinction and the basis for a restaurant industry that has long encouraged and benefited from advancing gentrification frontiers. Therefore, this is a politically and intellectually crucial time at which to focus on questions of food and the politics of daily survival in cities. Our purpose is to address the decentering of this fundamental human need in discussions of urban survival by positioning food as a central lens and focus for analyzing the everyday experience of urban poverty and for generating critical examples, ideas, arguments, and questions about how to better organize urban food systems and empower those whose daily survival depends on them. In the next section, we elaborate on how the use of foodscapes can enhance analyses of food access in low-income communities. We go beyond a recounting of where and when food is available and begin to unpack the contradictory nature of the foodscape. We discuss the experiences of residents as they use charitable meal providers (both spaces of regulation and care), as well as locations outside of the charitable system, including restaurants, corner stores and bins. We then turn our attention to the politics and possibilities that exist as part of the foodscape. Here, we explore issues of gentrification and food activism, both of which have the potential to alter not only how food is accessed but its meaning within the Downtown Eastside. Critical Geographies of Foodscapes and Survival Geographers have had a long, if uneven, engagement with questions of poverty. DeVerteuil’s (forthcoming) review, for example, notes a surge of interest in poverty 538 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. in the 1970s, followed by a nadir in the 1990s when the term was not included in the field’s leading dictionary. Nonetheless, geographers have contributed grounded analyses of the conditions and experience of poverty. Work on homelessness has long been a key contribution in this regard (eg Dear and Wolch 1987; Rowe and Wolch 1990; Wolch and Dear 1993), as has research into the practices and institutional sites of social service provision (eg DeVerteuil and Wilton 2009; Lawson and Elwood 2013), while there are ongoing debates over the concepts used to frame analyses of poverty (DeVerteuil forthcoming; Lawson 2012; Lawson and Elwood 2013). Yet, as Milbourne (2004) and DeVerteuil (forthcoming) emphasize, there is a continued need for research into the local geographies and everyday experiences of poverty. Recent discussions of poor people’s geographies of survival—socially produced arrangements of public and private spaces and social services that define how, and even if, people can live in a particular place (McLean 2012; Mitchell and Heynen 2009)—offer potential to deepen our analyses of the lived realities of low- income people’s lives. These discussions have, as yet, tended to focus mostly on the institutional, legal, and activist practices that define modes and spaces of survival. Scope remains for elaborating both conceptually and empirically on the experiences and practices of low-income people as they seek out food every day and on the connections that exist between those daily strategies and attempts to develop a politics of food justice in cities. If we are to position food at the centre of a critical analysis of urban poverty, it is worthwhile to utilize and further develop an established approach or concept in our analysis. One possibility is research into“food deserts”, typically defined as a low-income area that lacks grocery stores or other retail food, often the result of income or racial inequalities (Walker et al 2010; for examples of this approach, see Kelly et al 2011). Largely based on quantitative techniques and GIS, this litera- ture has developed a rigorous and detailed approach to the analysis of food in cities (McKinnon et al 2009). Yet, its strengths in identifying neighborhoods that lack gro- cery stores etc and highlighting economic and racial inequalities in food access are undermined by its tendency to produce static and fragmentary accountings of numbers of food sources without conceptualizing the ever-changing, social, rela- tional, and political nature of landscapes of urban food consumption and provision. For critical geographers, an alternative to this quantitative, supply-side approach is“foodways”,“the cultural and social practices that affect food consumption, including how and what communities eat, where and how they shop and what motivates their food preferences”(Alkon et al 2013:127; see also Cannuscio et al 2010). The sociality of the foodways approach is paralleled by the second, comple- mentary concept of“foodscape”, which explicitly emphasizes the spatiality of food systems. While food deserts and foodways have become well defined, the use of “foodscape”has been more diffuse; referring in its different uses to food production, retailing, and consumption and to a range of scales, from global to local (Cummins and Macintyre 2002; Mikkelsen 2011). Geographers have deployed the concept to explore“the ecological sites and social relations of food production, consumption, and distribution”in the corporate organic foodscape (Johnston et al 2009:513) and to explore foodscapes within which food has moral Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 539 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. and ethical meaning (Goodman et al 2010). Both of these approaches point to the political potential of foodscapes in elucidating the“processes, politics, spaces, and places of the praxis…embedded and produced in and through the provision- ing of food”(Goodman et al 2010:1783). Despite these interventions, it can be argued that foodscape remains a“chaotic conception”(Sayer 1992)—one that may evoke a general sense of a phenomenon but is too all-encompassing to be of great analytical value. Nevertheless, we argue that this weakness can and should be overcome because the concept offers a language for thinking through food–place relations in terms of geographies and politics of urban poverty and survival. The concept can be sharpened by taking seriously the situated and relational connotations of Appadurai’s (1991:33) use of“-scapes”,“which are not objectively given relations…[but] deeply perspectival constructs, inflected by the historical, linguistic, and political situatedness of different sorts of actors”. Thus, the foodscape concept both requires and rewards beingsituatedin a particular place and focused on the relationships that a particular community has with food. Its conceptual value can also be enhanced by focusing on the mutually constitutive relationships among various aspects of a food system, rather than on its separate, quantifiable, or mappable attributes (eg existence and number of food outlets). Deploying foodscape in this situated, relational way necessitates a qualitative approach that elicits interviewees’personal narratives to explain the complex, enacted, changing, and political food landscape of a particular urban neighborhood and its residents. We deploy foodscape in this way to focus on the intersections of food, survival, and politics—specifically the social, material, institutional, and classed contexts in which low-income people access and interact around food in cities. It is in this context that food can be positioned centrally in the study of geographies of poverty and survival (Mitchell and Heynen 2009; see also Heynen 2009, 2010; McLean 2012). This is not to say that we should privilege food as the only lens through which to understand survival but to argue that, when approached in terms of social construction, relationality, and spatiality through the notion of a foodscape, the study of food elucidates the everyday agency and political potentialities of very low-income urban residents. As Mitchell and Heynen (2009:613, emphasis added) put it: people in poverty continue toactivate their own geographies of survival, to construct pathways of survival through the urban landscape that link together places to sleep or rest (ranging from relatives’couches to their own apartments to a relatively dry place under a bridge), locations to eat a meal or forage food, hidden corners of security and safety (soup kitchens, pantries, stores friendly to food stamp recipients, restaurant dumpsters), and even sometimes such relatively permanentfixtures as homeless encampments or shanty towns. This is a very different urban foodscape than the one featured in the glossy advertising of gentrifying condo developments or in municipal sustainability discourse. In many cities, including Vancouver, urban food policies promote some forms of food production and distribution, such as community gardens, fruit tree projects and other“green”initiatives; yet often ignore food insecurity (Mendes 2008). The power of these hegemonic discourses leads to a regard for food itself as having been 540 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. irreparably gentrified and subsumed under neoliberal rhetorics in contemporary global North cities. This discourse is not complete, however, and it should not dissuade us from critically analyzing the experience of poverty and survival in low- income urban foodscapes and identifying the alternative politics of food being generated in places like the Downtown Eastside. After an outline of our research methods, we will discuss the contexts, strategies, and politics of food access in the changing geography of that neighborhood. Researching Foodscapes As Alkon et al (2013:128) note in their critique of supply-side food desert approaches to understanding food insecurity, in order to“understand the compli- cated sets of variables that go into food choice, and the varied food landscapes that low-income residents navigate, a qualitative analysis is required”. Here, we draw upon a series of in-depth interviews with 47 low-income residents of the Downtown Eastside. 2Interviews were focused on how, when and where residents accessed food within the neighborhood (eg charitable food providers, stores, restaurants), any difficulties they had withfinding food, and moreover, how they felt about these sites. The interviews were arranged through a low-barrier social service agency located in the neighborhood that also helped in recruiting residents and provided a secure and confidential space for conducting the interviews. With their permission, the interviews were recorded and if permission was not granted, detailed notes were taken. Recorded interviews were transcribed and analyzed thematically in order to draw out common (and at times divergent) experiences with the Downtown Eastside foodscape (Aronson 1994). Analysis entailed reading all transcribed data, develop- ing salient codes, and applying these codes to sections of the interview texts. The coded data were then organized into themes, which were derived from similarly coded sections of text (Aronson 1994). These dominant themes centered on the daily strategies used by residents to obtain food, why certain places were chosen over others, and what they liked and did not like about the foodscape. Using the residents’own descriptions of their experiences and strategies, we highlight the daily experiences that they identify as most salient to their ability to eat enough nutritious food on the Downtown Eastside. The names and some of the identifying information have been changed to protect the residents’identities. The majority of those interviewed were Caucasian (51%) and male (66%), while 34% were Aboriginal, 9% of African descent, and 6% Latino. The average age of the residents at the time of the interviews was 42. The majority (98%) reported a history of drug use, although not all were current drug users and several reported being in or having completed drug rehabilitation. In addition, 72% said that they had some sort of physical or mental illness or disability. The most common of these were hepatitis C, HIV/AIDS, and mental illness. Among those residents who were interviewed, 26% were living in a private SRO, 23% were in supportive housing, 21% were in non-market housing run by a non-profit organization (often a converted SRO room), and 6% were living in a social housing apartment. Nearly all residents were receiving social assistance in the form of income assistance Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 541 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. ($235/month for a single adult), disability assistance ($531/month), or support for persons with persistent multiple barriers ($282.92/month). Individuals receiving these forms of support are also provided with $375/month for housing. According to one survey, however, only 5% of SRO units in the Downtown Eastside rent at this rate or less (Swanson and Drury 2012), which forces residents to use money that might have otherwise gone to food for housing. Only two residents reported wage labor as their primary source of income, although others engaged in informal economic work such as collecting bottle and cans, volunteering for a stipend or working odd jobs. Taken as a whole, physical and mental illness, drug use, homelessness, and poor quality housing in addition to marginal incomes suggest that these residents have a number of barriers to food access yet are also those most in need of nutritious food. The interviews have been supplemented by ongoing participant observation in the neighborhood, consisting of working closely with several non-profitorganizations around food issues, attendance at food and social service-related meetings and public forums, organizing and being involved in working and research groups, and participating in site visits and tours to Downtown Eastside social service, housing, and health agencies. This observational method allows an understanding of food insecurity from multiple perspectives, including those of the food providers themselves. The Practices and Politics of a Low-income Urban Foodscape The Downtown Eastside has long been an important social space in Vancouver. It was originally a“space of male labour”, composed of transient or former workers in the BC resource industries (Ley and Dobson 2008:2483). SRO hotels, providing basic housing and charitable services, emerged to care for the needs of this population (Linden et al 2013; Sommers 1998). In the 1980s, other groups, such as low-income Aboriginal people, the deinstitutionalized mentally ill, and the homeless also began to use the neighborhood as it provided much needed resources, including food and shelter (Smith 2003). The Downtown Eastside is also a space where illegal drugs are easily accessed, which has given rise to high rates of health and social problems including hepatitis C, HIV/AIDS, overdose, and street crime (Linden et al 2013). Partly through these circumstances and partly by design, the Downtown Eastside has developed a significant concentration of government and non-profit social services in a relatively small area. Indeed, over 35% of social service offices in the city are located there, as well as a high percentage of social and subsidized housing (Ley and Dobson 2008; Smith 2003). For the low-income residents interviewed, their daily paths through the streets are both enabled and constrained by the structure of that urban space and their experience of the various ways in which food is made available there. They are most commonly involved in negotiations with the charitable food sector but they oftenfind ways to circumvent that system, with its various restrictions, regulations and stigmas, through alternative food procurement strategies. Most combine food obtained from charitable meal programs with that purchased from stores or restaurants, prepared 542 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. in community kitchens, or traded with friends or family. While this experience, which we detail below, is specific to those interviewed and would likely differ somewhat for other individuals and groups, we argue that it generally resonates with the experience of the low-income community on the Downtown Eastside and with those in other urban settings who face similar social and economic conditions. In the interviews, residents asserted that getting something to eat on the Downtown Eastside was relatively easy or, as Marina, a white woman in her 40s said,“You can’t starve here on Hastings”, the major neighborhood street, and that, in comparison to many other places in British Columbia, there is a relative abundance of locations to eat. This suggests that the Downtown Eastside may not be a food desert, as commonly defined in much of the literature, but it nevertheless raises a question about whether residents of this low-income neighborhood are food insecure in a place where food programs abound. Food insecurity,“the inability to obtain sufficient, nutritious, personally acceptable food through normal food channels or the uncertainty that one will be able to do so”(Davis and Tarasuk 1994:50) is about more than food deserts, or hunger in any straightforward sense. Rather, it is about the experience and political economy of food insecurity, including the spatial, social, cultural, political, and the emotional aspects of food. One way of understanding the complexity of food insecurity is to examine the forces that shape a foodscape, how that space is enacted by those who inhabit it as well as the contradictions that arise from a complex food landscape that is embedded within the political economy of food provision. Since food is a daily necessity, accessing it is central to daily geographies of survival for low-income residents of the Downtown Eastside. When asked where he goes to eat, Willis used the term“Hasting Shuffle”to describe how he moves from one meal program to another through the day: I start the morning at eight thirty at United Church. They serve you vegetables and soup. And then somehow I end up here [a drop-in centre] at ten o’clock and eat here. Then I go next door to the Look Out [drop-in centre]; then I go to the United Church or Union Gospel [Mission]. It’s the Hastings shuffle (Aboriginal man, 40s). As Cloke et al (2008:252) note in their study of homeless people in Bristol, England, soup lines and free meals“act both as significant nodes in the daily jour- neys of homeless people in the city and as strong regulatory influences on such movements…”Thus, the“Hastings shuffle”and the Bristol“food route”are both examples of the daily rounds that the homeless and marginally housed make to access food and other services. The specific character of these rounds depends upon the economic and housing circumstances of those involved, as well as their past experiences negotiating the rules and expectations of charitable food providers, their understanding of the opportunity structures in which they operate, their social networks, gender identities, and health status, among other factors. In the following sections we explore three components of a foodscape that, in combination, are produced by and shape low-income people’s everyday geographies of survival: food availability and food programs’regulations; residents’constrained agency and choice; and the a range of responses to the political-economic constraints and growing pressures on the existing foodscape caused by a lack of state funding and increasing gentrification. Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 543 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. “Beggars can’t be choosers”: Negotiating Rules, Regulations, and Line-ups There is no government entitlement program specifically for food in Canada, unlike the federally funded Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program in the US, for example. Therefore, charitable food providers are a crucial, yet ad hoc and largely unregulated, part of the foodscape in low-income Canadian neighborhoods (Dachner et al 2009; Riches 2002; Tarasuk and Dachner 2009; Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). In their critique of charitable food distribution in Canada, Wakefield et al (2013) note that the sector“can be seen as a fundamental component of the shadow state”; substituting“publicly provided services with private or non-profit initiatives as part of ongoing attempts to‘roll back’the state and retreat from the provision of social services in neoliberalism”[see also Warshawsky (2010) for similar trends in the US]. As in other cities in Canada, this lack of state support leaves Vancouver’s charitable programs constrained by limited funds, reliant on donations from private companies (eg grocery stores needing to rid themselves of expiring or overstocked goods) or time-limited contracts and grants. Within the micro-sites of the food programs themselves, governance of the poor is enacted through rules, regulations, and line-ups. Residents told stories of being banned from certain food providers because they were using drugs or acting intoxicated and others complained about having to attend religious services in order to receive a meal. In other instances, individuals did notfit into the client categories—age, gender, disability, or ethnicity—defined by the food provider, which created divisions and exclusions within the wider community. In one instance, Suzi, an Aboriginal transgender woman and sex worker, recounted how she was unable to access food at a program for female sex workers because she did not always appear“female”: When you go [to a woman-only food program] now, you have to be dressed to the hilt. Trannies have to have high heels on and be dressed as a woman. You can’t just go there like I am right now. I am transgender. I am on hormones but I can’t go there just like this. I have to have boobs in, hair-up, make-up on. Thus, while this particular program welcomes some of the most marginalized and stigmatized people on the Downtown Eastside, it also excludes others who do not appear tofit into its definitions (see also Miewald et al 2010). Although it is free or low cost and relatively abundant on the neighborhood, obtaining food takes a good deal of time, energy, and knowledge. One must know where to go and when, within a complex and constantly changing landscape of providers and other resources. Programs open and close, hours change, and providers stop serving early because they run out of food. Frank described the difficulties of accessing food on a holiday when many of the food programs are closed: Yesterday it was difficult for being a holiday long weekend. Four places that hand out food were shut down because of the holiday. It was hard to get some decent food because that means all the other food line-ups are doubled up and they run out. I was in a line-up to get something to eat and I just got up to the window and [they told me]“we’re out”. I wound up going to [another food provider], which I don’t like (white man, 40s). 544 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. Line-ups for food, some of which stretch for a block or more, create anxiety and sometimes conflict, a situation that is highlighted in Jimmy’s description of line- ups:“You spend so much time in line, it’s awful…there arefights in the line, it’s horrible”(white man, mid 30s). Those with physical limitations or addictions may not have the ability to wait and therefore are excluded from these spaces. While line-ups are used pragmatically by providers to regulate theflow of program partic- ipants through dining rooms, for some they are also the most visible and stigmatizing manifestation of the rules and regulations around charitable food. Those who use the charitable system have little say in when, what or with whom they eat and are expected not to complain about, or reject, the food provided (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). While residents noted that the quality of charitable food is often limited and lacking in variety, they also commented that it“fills you up”and while“not really the healthiest diet…it’s better than no diet”, they acknowledged that most food providers were constrained in their ability to provide healthier food. For example, Paul said that while he“could do without sandwiches for a while”he also understood that charitable organizations are often strugglingfinancially. He went on,“so you can’t complain. Beggars can’t be choosers”(Aboriginal man, 40s). “The staff has class. They don’t kick you around”: Negotiating the Paradoxical Spaces of Charitable Food While the neighborhood foodscape is partly the product of the funding, inventories, missions, rules, regulations, and schedules of a range of charitable food providers, it is also produced by how food-insecure residents negotiate it, within social and economic constraints. While in some respects, Paul’s assertion that“beggars can’t be choosers”reflects an acceptance of the regulations and limitations of the charitable system, interviews also revealed many examples of residents making decisions about where to eat based on criteria that go beyond simply accessing a free meal. Therefore, here, we focus on the strategic ways in which residents utilize neighborhood food resources. In addition, we point out that these spaces themselves can act in contradictory ways, depending on who is using them, which complicates attempts to define them, and the charitable food sector in general, as either wholly positive or wholly negative. While the charitable food sector has been critiqued for providing inadequate nutrition and failing to address the structural causes of food insecurity (Loopstra and Tarasuk 2012), it also provides spaces of care, sustenance, and survival (DeVerteuil 2012a; DeVerteuil and Wilton 2009) for low-income residents that serve as“zones of encounter”between individuals of differing class backgrounds. As such, they provide opportunities for governance of the poor as well as increased understanding across class lines (Lawson and Elwood 2013). While some programs are limited to providing meals and enforcing sobriety among participants, for example, others operate with few barriers to participation and some offer spaces where residents can access showers and phones, take yoga or art classes, cook together in community kitchens and interact with both staff and neighbors (Cloke et al 2008; Masuda and Crabtree 2010). Where residents chose to eat was often a Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 545 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. reflection of where they felt they received care in the form of good food and socia- bility, where they felt safe, and where they were treated well by staff. Perhaps most important for residents was the feeling that they were treated with respect or as Andre, an older Aboriginal man, explained when asked why he was a regular participant at one low-barrier drop-in centre:“The staff has class. They don’t kick you around. They show that they have respect for you.”One way of showing respect is by creating meal programs that do not require line-ups, provide some measure of choice in what is served, and include healthy, high-quality food. However, this is a tall order for most charitable food providers who operate on tight budgets, rely on unpredictableflows of donations, and have little access to stable state funding. Furthermore, the regulations that exclude some people like Suzi from certain spaces also create a sense of safety for others. Programs that only serve women, Aboriginal people, or sex workers create safe spaces for these groups, often by excluding others who do notfit certain categories. For example, many women said that they favored women-only food programs, which they identified as safer and providing better quality food. For example, when asked why she chose to largely eat at a women-only program, Kate responded: Wellfirst of all it’s a women’s center and I don’t have to worry about guys bugging me and it’s a safe place to eat. They have a lot of other services there and it’s just a nice place to go (white woman, 30s). Having a“nice place to go”instead of standing in an often-rainy sidewalk line-up provided a greater sense of safety and caring for Kate and other women. Additionally, Aboriginal agencies work to incorporate culturally appropriate components to their food provisioning, including gardening and traditional food preparation. These organizations are attempting to address the specific needs of the people they serve in an attempt to improve health and wellbeing. This notion of food programs as forms of caring was also expressed by some food providers who saw their role as both enhancing nutrition and creating safe spaces for their participants. In this respect, social service providers created spaces of care and sustenance (DeVerteuil and Wilton 2009) where both the material for survival are provided and acts of caring are performed that create networks and relationships between residents and staff. Diners, Dumpsters, and Corner Stores: Strategies Beyond the Charitable Sector While the focus of most geographical research on urban poverty and survival has been on sites where social services are provided, an examination of the foodscape sheds light on places beyond these institutions. The inexpensive diners, pizza stands, and corner stores that dot the Downtown Eastside serve as alternatives to the charitable food sector because they are less restrictive, allowing for greater control over when and what to eat (see also Gaetz et al 2006). These places are often overlooked when it comes to understanding the social dynamics of low-income 546 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. foodscape (but see Alkon et al 2013; Bedore 2010), or are viewed as sources of poor nutrition and therefore in need of intervention to increase the amount of healthy foods they sell (O’Malley et al 2013). However, residents of the Downtown Eastside are able to buy ice cream, chips, and candy for a few dollars at corner stores and inexpensive cafes and Chinese take-outs are known to provide large portions at cheap prices. James explained that although he had limitedfinancial resources, he did occasionally“splurge”on a restaurant meal as a special treat: There’s Flowers [Café]…it’s just one of the inexpensive restaurants. If you live down here, you don’t have a whole lot of money to spend on restaurants and stuff like that so I use that one and then there’s a Chinese place over in Chinatown. You get a fair amount of food there for four dollars (Aboriginal man, 40s). Although restaurant meals could be afinancial drain on limited resources, some preferred to eat there rather than standing in line-ups that could be dangerous, stigmatizing, and time consuming. Chuck explained that for those engaged in drug dealing or sex work, restaurants are preferable to charitable providers as they afford some level of privacy and safety: A lot of the working girls eat restaurant food. They get their payoffs on a daily basis and they don’t have the time or the patience [to stand in line]. A lot of the working girls, they have issues with standing in line where everyone can look at them and judge them (white man, 30s). Yet, while restaurants and corner stores offer respite from charitable meals, they too can be sites of regulation. One must have thefinancial resources to purchase food and, increasingly, these locations are policed by private security who eject those who do not appear to be“paying customers”. Therefore, some residents relied on an underground economy to access food, often buying or trading for it on the street, thereby avoiding the regulations of both the charitable and private sectors. For those without the economic resources to buy food, retail outlets also provide a source of discarded or“dumpstered”food. Some residents said they preferred to get food from dumpsters rather than relying on soup kitchens. Dumpster diving is viewed as a way of utilizing food that would have otherwise gone to waste, rather than as an unacceptable way to access food (Eikenberry and Smith 2005). For these residents, it is at times a challenge to access the bins as increasing numbers of them are being locked or behind fences. Nonetheless, this revanchist tendency is undermined by staff of certain restaurants and grocery stores who leave food out, so that it is available to those who want it. Nadine explained her strategy forfinding otherwise wasted food: I’ve been doing dumpster diving for years. Well, [a fast food chain] throws out stuff every night and they usually put it beside the garbage too for you and they usually have it all wrapped up for you too. Mainly downtown here, and [a coffee chain] they do the same thing. Sometimes they’ll wrap up stuff and put it near the bins for you. This practice on the part of staff and, on some occasions, sanctioned by owners, indicates that a low-income urban foodscape is relationally produced between Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 547 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. poor and marginally housed residents and a range of other inhabitants and users of the neighborhood; not only those who work in charitable and non-profit agencies but also the staff of some retail establishments. In the two previous sections we identified the ways low-income residents exert some power and agency over the regimen of the charitable food sector. Yet, they are constrained in their ability to access food by economic circumstance and both subtle and overt exclusion from certain spaces. A foodscape approach allows for an understanding of the diversity of strategies for obtaining food and at the same time addresses the structural constraints that limit these efforts. The Politics of a Changing Foodscape: Pressures and Possibilities The strategies and choices Downtown Eastside residents have in accessing food and the ability of charities to provide it are constrained by the lack of secure funding for low-income food programs at all levels of the Canadian state. The longstanding absence of the state in this aspect of the neighborhood’s foodscape is compounded by its growing presence in another. At least since 2004, when a chief city planner explicitly urged Vancouver’s condo developers to turn their attention from increasingly built-out areas of the western and central downtown peninsula to the Downtown Eastside and surrounding areas, the City has encouraged and facilitated a push to gentrify the neighborhood (Beasley 2004). One element of this gentrification has been the promotion of a high-end“foodie culture”, evident in the growing number of upscale cafes, bars, bistros and restaurants that have emerged in the last decade and the media-driven rebranding of the neighborhood as the next foodie destination featuring a cadre of“top chefs”(eg seeScout Magazine2013; also Aiello forthcoming; Burnett 2013). This“foodie gentrification”involves the displacement of the inexpensive diners and corner shops that once epitomized the neighborhood. During a tour of the Downtown Eastside given by one charitable organization, the resident tour guides pointed out several new foodie locations, such as a gourmet donut shop, noting that they could never afford to shop there (field notes 2012). Charitable organizations also feel threatened by the rapid gentrification of the neighborhood where rising rents and gentrifier NIMBYism may increasingly constrain their abilities to provide services (see also DeVerteuil 2012b). Municipal efforts to create a“social mix”in the area, the conversion of privately owned SROs into more expensive hotels and the erasure of inexpensive stores and restaurants means fewer places for people to live and eat (Funk 2012). These, according to community activists, are only some of the many high-end developments punctuating the neighborhood with “zones of exclusion”(Marquez et al )—areas and establishments that low-income residents cannot afford, are actively prevented from entering, or in which they feel uncomfortable. These pressures have recently encouraged a politics of resistance by some neighborhood residents and community activists. Famously, a month-long picket in 2013 targeted Pidgin, a new restaurant, with a“champion”chef that opened across a narrow street from a park where homeless people congregate. The action 548 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. was sparked in part by an opening-night review by a local blogger that praised Pidgin’s large windows, looking onto the park, offering diners a“wide angle view of the oft-sordid goings on across the street…[while] supping foie gras rice bowls and sipping Negronis in heated, cloistered comfort…” “[T]hat’s the reality of Vancouver”, he continued,“and I dig that they’re framing it instead of running from it”(Scout Magazine2013). Similar protests subsequently focused on a second restaurant, with pickets holding signs including one saying,“stop Boutique Restaurants”(Lupick 2013) (see Figure 1). Resistance to gentrification is one form of action around food in the contemporary Downtown Eastside. Others, involving a range of activists including some also involved in the resistance, seek to reimagine the neighborhood foodscape in social, nutritional, and physical terms and to increase the range of alternatives to charitable food. Community food security programs, including community gardens and kitchens, good food boxes and coupon programs at farmers’markets have emerged. Unlike charitable meals, community programs engage participants in activities like food production or cooking and often have some skill- or community- building aspect (Heynen et al 2012). They attempt to both improve the quality of food and, in some instances, address wider structural issues of income inequality. For example, the Hastings Urban Farm operates as a social enterprise, providing employment and training, a horticultural therapy program, and is a source of fresh produce for meal programs (see Figure 2). At the same time, these urban gardens and farms are often the result of tax incentives to developers who are encouraged to“land-bank”lots that they are not ready to develop but which likely be built on in the future as part of what Quastel (2009) terms ecological gentrification. Therefore, the long-term viability of these spaces as part of the foodscape is tenuous. On the one hand, these initiatives represent the insecurities that emerge from reliance on the private sector to provide space for urban food production and have been critiqued for“reproducing neoliberalism in placing the economic needs of producers above food provisioning, for turning to market mechanisms to increase food access rather than demanding it of the state”(Alkon and Mares 2012:350). Figure 1:Protesters in front of Cuchillo, one of the restaurants that have been the focus of protests in the neighborhood. Reproduced with permission of Travis Lupick, The Georgia Straight Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 549 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. Yet, they also represent the potentialities of alternative food production models since they allow residents to participate in food production that would have otherwise been impossible, given their living conditions and lack of access to land. Nonetheless, their small-scale and tenuousfinances mean that, unless they are scaled up to reach a larger number of food-insecure people and provided with secure funding and facili- ties, they are unlikely to redress the inherent inequalities that structure the food system (Dowler and O’Connor, 2012; Kirkpatrick and Tarasuk 2009). The Downtown Eastside Neighborhood House (DTES NH) takes the politics of food further by focusing on the“right to food”,“urban food justice”, and“food sovereignty”to link food access to issues of democracy, citizenship, and environmental justice (cf Bedore 2010). The organization’s operating philosophy is directly political, identifying it as“activist, reformist and non-violent, critical of the poverty mentality and its handmaiden the charity model”(Downtown Eastside Neighborhood House ). According to the organization’s Food Philosophy (Downtown Eastside Neighborhood House ), the“right to food”is central to their efforts and it directly critiques the contemporary charity model by advocating for healthier food provided in a dignified manner. In its efforts to reshape the foodscape of the neighborhood, the DTES NH, through its Kitchen Tables Project 3(, not only provides a number of community kitchens and healthy smoothies at various gathering spots in the neighborhood, but also works to empower residents through theRight to Foodzine ( and the Right to Food Mobile Mural Project which outlines their food philosophy, including the statement“Dignifying food = more food @ more places with no lineups”(see Figure 3). This organization directly challenges the charitable food system by providing an alternative discourse to the institutionalized“beggars can’t be choosers”paradigm by“[o]ffering people a choice of the foods they ingest”. Beyond provisioning, its politics challenge the“commonly held myth that those living in poverty don’t have nutritional knowledge or aspirations”by acknowledging“food to be a communicative instrument and hence [using] its offering as an instrument of community building”. In this respect, the organization is attempting to work to both improve the quality of Figure 2:Hastings Urban Farm, run by the PHS Community Services Society. Photograph by C. Miewald 550 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. food provided in the short-term as well as work on long-term efforts to re-envision the foodscape (cf McEntee and Naumova 2012). Indeed, residents in our study spoke about the wider food justice movement in the Downtown Eastside, of which the DTES NH is one part, and argued that it had made a difference in recent years. While cakes, muffins, and donuts were once the primary foods provided, there is now more fresh produce served and, increasingly, organizations are moving away from line-ups in favor of a more open door approach. Residents also expressed an awareness of the connection between food and dignity, and as noted above, strived to eat at places where they were respected through the attitudes of staff, the quality of meals, and the way in which they are served. Yet, all programs remain constrained in their abilities to improve food quality without adequate funding and as long as the reliance on donations persist, these organization may be constrained in their abilities to reform an entrenched system. Conclusion Food is basic human need that is imbued with social meaning. It is a marker of class, signifier of health, and a symbol of caring. The provision of food can result in both zones of encounter—providing the potential for alternative politics around food, and exclusion—as in the case of gentrification. In this paper, we have used foodscape as a lens to explore the role of food in survival and to go“beyond food”to institutional structures that contribute to inequalities, including food insecurity (Passidomo 2013). In a neighborhood that has long been defined by struggle, food is both a “contested territory”(Chambers 2011) and a fundamental focus of everyday survival. What Willis called“the Hastings shuffle”—the daily rounds in which low-income resi- dents engage tofind food and other forms of sustenance—providelittletimeforordi- nary people to do much about the overarching political-economic structures that affect the foodscape of the Downtown Eastside. Willis is homeless, has HIV/AIDS, and while no longer using“hard”drugs, occasionally drinks and uses marijuana to help his appe- tite. The charitable providers that are part of his daily rounds provide food and social spaces and he is appreciative for what he receives. Yet, while his strategies, choices, and interactions, like those of the other interviewees, have some role in shaping the neighborhood foodscape, there is much more to it than individuals can easily affect. Figure 3:Downtown Eastside Kitchen Tables Project Mobile Mural (Detail). Reproduced with permission of Doris Chow, Downtown Eastside Kitchen Tables Project Foodscapes and the Geographies of Poverty 551 © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. Without a restructuring of the economic conditions that give rise to food insecurity, particularly the absence of predictable, secure, adequate, and long-term state funding for food programs, the charitable food sector, for all the good it does, will remain the fragile frontline of nutrition for the poor. In turn, people with very low income will continue to be forced to supplement charitable offerings with practices such as dumpster diving. Thus, our purpose in this paper has been to identify not only the daily strategies of survival and the overarching conditions that shape those strategies, but also to point to examples of collective action that seek both to improve food quality and eliminate line-ups, but also to question the neoliberalization processes that makes these meal programs necessary while using food as a strategic gathering point around which to discuss and act upon wider issues of inequality. What makes foodscape a useful concept for positioning food as the focus of geographical research on poverty and survival is that its social constructionist, relational, and processual perspective allows us to conceptualize the complex and changing interconnections that shape food access and to point to the politics of food in ways that the mapping of specific food system attributes fails to do. Thus, through the notion of a foodscape, we can go beyond descriptions of where people can access food to narrate the experiences and strategies offinding food and unpack the political implications of its very provision. Analyses of foodscapes, hunger, and food insecurity must see beyond the food itself and must continue to approach food access as defined—but not determined—by a set of surrounding institutions and wider processes, of which housing provision, urban development, and public healthcare are only some of the most salient. Yet, this is not to position the causes of, or opportunities for, change in the contemporary low-income urban food system at an abstract level of seemingly abstract institutions. It is important to understand the state and the charitable system as grounded, peopled, and enacted social products in themselves and to understand them as available for engagement and change at“street level” (Proudfoot and McCann 2008). Thus, the foodscape is produced through actors from various class backgrounds. Lawson and Elwood’s (2013) discussion of poverty as a relational construction indicates how some of these sites bring poor and middle class people together in the co-production of social systems. These organizational and institutional sites lie“between the micro-level of face-to-face human interaction and the macro-level of society’s structural properties”(Philo and Parr 2000:517). As residents travel the Downtown Eastside for food, they are involved, along with staff and activists, in making“‘everyday rationalities’, the effects of which then travel be- yond the local instants of their production to become generalised (even if only briefly) as agreed ways of getting things done for the organization as a whole” (Philo and Parr 2000:519). In this context, the possibility of agency by both those receiving and providing food within an overarching hegemony is worth recognizing and the actions or intentions of actors in these institutional sites cannot be read off from some a priori definition of class position or identity (Marr et al 2009). Food is a resource and commodity around which disputes about social justice and the right to the city emerge and through which the contemporary geography of survival can be clearly identified. It remains to be seen how gentrification will 552 Antipode © 2013 The Authors.Antipode© 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. affect this geography. While government-funded social housing and well established social services may be able to maintain their footing as the gentrification frontier advances, questions remain as to whether the often vulnerable charitable system and low-income retail can cope with rising rents. We conclude by asking will the changing character of food availability that accompanies gentrification force residents to travel outside of the neighborhood to access food, thereby altering their ability to survive in the Downtown Eastside? Furthermore, without the right to food, will residents lose their claim to a place in the city as a changing foodscape alters their connections to and sense of belonging within the neighborhood? Finally, and more starkly, can the urban future be one in which the poorest people gain or maintain a right to stay put and a right to live? These are open questions that continue to be negotiated in Vancouver and elsewhere. Acknowledgements We would like to thank the participants in this study for their valuable insights and willingness to talk about their lives. We also acknowledge Judy Graves, Joyce Rock, Doris Chow, and Shane Turner (among others) for their work around food in the Downtown Eastside and thank them for their support and guidance. This paper has benefited greatly from comments by Vicky Lawson and Geoff DeVerteuil and from broader conversations with Vicky, Sarah Elwood, and Lucy Jarosz. We are also indebted to Nik Heynen and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. Endnotes1There is, however, no food bank depot in the neighborhood although some programs do provide canned and packaged food to their participants. Therefore, the primary source of food is meal programs. 2We use the term resident to describe individuals who participated in an interview. 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Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat Gordon Waitt School of Earth & Environmental Sciences, University of Wollongong, New South Wales 2522, Australia,[email protected] A growing body of work in social and cultural geography is concerned with examining food to explore ethical, civic and social concerns. I build on the critiques by engaging with the visceral. Drawing on the theoretical work of Elspeth Probyn, I argue that eating reveals the fundamental ambiguity of embodiment, allowing us to attend to visceralities of difference as understoodwithin the context of power geometries that shape and reshape food politics. This analysis is promoted by the Australian Commonwealth Government’s endorsement of suggestions by environmental scientists that households’ meals should substitute kangaroo for farmed livestock to lower greenhouse gas emissions. I investigate appetites for kangaroo as discussed while plating-up, and sometimes digested, by white bodies in kitchens and dining rooms within thirty households in Wollongong, New South Wales. To explain where kangaroo is rendered inedible, or edible, I use the recognition that the visceral realm—narrated through the aromas, tastes and touch—offers insights to place, subjectivity, embodied skills and food politics. Key words:visceral, food politics, kangaroo, home, Australia. Introduction What I wouldn’t eat, for start, a bloody emu or kangaroo. No, I’d pretty well eat anything. You know, a lot of friends I’ve got just wouldn’t eat kangaroo or emu just on principle. The bloody national anthem, national icon…what’s her name, emblem. You know, disgusting [curling up nose]…. Why would you eat them? I think it’s wrong. Americans wouldn’t saddle up to a bloody big golden eagle would they? No, I wouldn’t eat it if…I’d prefer not to eat kangaroo meat. Well yeah, wouldn’t eat that. I’m an Aussie and I don’t think…I wouldn’t eat my national emblem. (Australian-born Pete is a home-owner, husband, grandparent, retired coal-miner, aged in his sixtiesand lives in an outer Wollongong suburb classi ed as socio-economically advantaged.) The deliberation of disgust is deeply embedded in food cultures (Darwin1998;Rozin, Jonathan, and McCauley2000). Sitting in the comfort of his lounge room, Pete contemplated disgust at the thought of eating kangaroo. This quotation is a vivid illustration of what I address in this paper: that is, the visceralities of difference. The disgust Pete showed when contemplating eating kangaroo I took as an inspiration to explore the visceral resistance put up by some bodies to eating kangaroo. Pete’s experiences thus speaks to the possibilities of what Probyn (2000) has called Social & Cultural Geography, 2014 Vol. 15, No. 4, 406–426, q2014 Taylor & Francis ‘a gut ethics’. I take Probyn’s gut ethics to refer to the importance of an affective register that does not take its cue from conscious re ection, and is one which attends to the personal. That is to say, a visceral response like that of disgust gives clues to how a person inhabits the world. With this comes the related insight that responses to eating manifests itself as a dynamic and differentiating force between bodies to provide insights to political sub- jectivities. Picking up and extending Probyn’s work, Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2008,2010), Hayes-Conroy and Martin (2010) and Longhurst, Johnston, and Ho (2009) address how the deeply visceral attributes of eating makes food a particularly compelling entry point for exploring the relationship between subjectivity and place in our accounts of the politics of eating. Following Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2008: 462), I refer to the visceral as ‘the realm of internally-felt sensations, moods and states of being, which are born from the sensory engagement with the material world.’ What I am investigating is the embodied geographies of kangaroo meat, which tracks the ethical and political relations into the differentiating and dynamic forces of the sensuous body. My entry point is how the kangaroo is served-up in climate change adaptation pol- icies as a ‘virtuous’ food. Environmental scientists (Morrison, McSweeney, and Wright 2007; Wilson and Edwards2008)and economist (Garnaut2008) disseminated images and other sources of affect and information that asserted the bene ts of regularly eating kangaroo—including redu- cing greenhouse gas emissions associated with what we eat—particularly from increased consumption of meat and dairy products in Western diets. Here, the logic is that kangar- oos produce less methane than cattle because of their digestive tract. Apparently, reducingbeef consumption by 20 per cent from 1990 levels would cut 15 megatonnes of greenhouse gases from the atmosphere by 2020 (Diesen- dorf2007). Yet, most Australian households seem disinterested in eating kangaroo regu- larly. Results from a national survey of 1,590 meat consumers in 2007 suggest only 4.7 per cent (75 households) eat kangaroo monthly or more frequently (Ampt and Owen2008). This is despite supplies of kangaroo meat being more plentiful through leading supermarket chains since 2000. In Australia, 66 per cent of kangaroo consumed as food is eaten in restaurants, with 50 per cent of consumers eating kangaroo only in restaurants (Purtell 1997). The question that propels this paper is this: How can paying attention to the visceral help better understand why we nd kangaroo meat absent from most Australian domestic geographies, yet garners broader participation in restaurants? Working with thirty house- holds in Wollongong, I acquired insights regarding how the visceral may help explain the absence of kangaroo from most domestic meal schedules and its presence on some restaurant menus. The paper is structured in ve sections to explore the visceral responses to eating kangaroo. First, I discuss how kangaroos are a contested site through which a particular version of sustainability politics plays out in Australia. I then work through a number of geographical explanations of food politics. The third section provides a justi cation of methods. These involved visiting thirty par- ticipants’ homes to plate-up and sometimes eat kangaroo, alongside asking them about their food likes and dislikes and concerns about climate change. I adopt a grounded analysis to explore the how visceral responses to kan- garoo, when served up for dinner, are under- stood within the context of uneven social, economic and cultural structures. Paying Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat407 attention to how the visceral registers through the sight, smell, touch and taste of kangaroo provided an opportunity to explore the embodied geographies of kangaroo that emerged when plating-up, eating and sharing food narratives with people who reside in the regional centre of Wollongong, Australia. Sustainable food politics of kangaroo To the different foods of the dinner table, this paper adds a less-studied foodstuff: Red, Eastern Grey and Western Grey kangaroo meat. Kangaroos are not farmed like beef or sheep. Since the 1990s, prominent environ- mental scientists have advocated eating these kangaroo species to help prevent inland soil erosion (Archer and Beale2004; Flannery 2004). The conservation biologist Grigg (2002: 53) famously conceived of kangaroo farming as ‘sheep replacement therapy for rangelands’. The sustainable food politics of kangaroo is emotionally intense. Eating kan- garoos can be proactively juxtaposed to less favourable discourses. For example, some pastoralists worked to distance themselves from farming kangaroos as backwards— implicating kangaroo as a pest destined for the pet-food-bowl. The rhetoric often voiced by some environmental movements such as Greenpeace and Animal Liberation call upon notions of the colonial nation, commodi ca- tion, rates of species extinction since colonisa- tion, and the cruelty associated with a kangaroo diet. As encapsulated on the Aus- tralian coat-of-arms, kangaroo iconography has obtained a foundational symbolic appeal in forging the white colonial nation. The kangaroo is also a visually evocative, aesthetic and distinctive fragment of Australia that triggers the popular imagination. The kan- garoo was anthropomorphised as a childhoodfriend in the long-running Australian television program,Skippy the Bush Kangaroo. The kangaroos’ popularity as a ‘poster child of Australia’ relied upon the perceived likeness to humans: as animals that stand upright on two legs and with two arms. As noted by Craw (2008), the set of discourses that commonly circulate within these debates seem predicated on whitened cultural histories. Silenced by these discourses are Australian Indigenous subjects and the meanings of kangaroos in their lives (see Jackson and Vernes2010). At the very least, this suggests that kangaroos are ambiguously positioned at a crossroads of different discourses in Australian sustainability food politics. Turning to the supply side, the sustainable food politics of kangaroo also occurred in the context of wide-ranging changes in commercial kangaroo provisioning and marketing. The Eastern Grey, Western Grey and Red kangaroos that are wrapped in plastic and found on supermarket shelves are part of a quota to cull kangaroo numbers organised by State-based kangaroo management plans since the 1980s, and informed by conservation biology. Although kangaroos are protected under Com- monwealth law, the commercial supply of kangaroo relies upon environmental depart- ments within each Statecalculating annual cull quotas (Hercock2004). These plans are administered by State environmental depart- ments and overseen by the Commonwealth Department of the Environment, Water and Heritage. Since 2000, kangaroo sausages, burgers, steaks, kebabs, mince, llets, stir-fry and mini roasts are available widely—not only in butchers’ shops but also in conventional supermarkets. Kangaroo is usually priced at half the cost of beef, and three-quarters that of lamb. This consumer access to kangaroo became possible because of the pivotal role played by the Kangaroo Industries Association of 408Gordon Waitt Australia (KIAA) facilitating the co-ordination of kangaroo-shooters, abattoirs and market- ing since 1964 (KIAA2008). The KIAA played a key role in the reclassi cation of kangaroo by the Australian National Food Authority as edible ‘game’. Until 1993, the State food standards prohibited the sale of kangaroo for human consumption in New South Wales, Queensland and Victoria, but not in South Australia. Over the past decade, kangaroo supply always outstripped demand. For example, in 2011 the commercial kangaroo ‘harvest’ in New South Wales was only 32 per cent of that designated by quota management plans (Of ce of Environment and Heritage 2012). While legislative reform and kangaroo management plans enabled changes to encou- rage improved kangaroo meat access and sustainability, the plans are embedded in colonial relations that render invisible Indi- genous Australians’ connections to the kan- garoo (Bannerman2006; Thomsen, Muir, and Davies2006). Both the discursive spaces and practices of kangaroo management are sys- temically linked to whitened cultural histories. Turning to KIAA’s kangaroo marketing, the pleasures of eating are pinned to rich white bodies being sensitive to cholesterol, soil degradation and climate change science. For example, to try and sell kangaroo as a distinctively Australian gourmet food, the KIAA organised a competition in 2005 with Food Companion Internationalto (re)name kangaroo meat (Craw2008). The winning entry was ‘Australis’—drawing on inspiration from the imagined land massTerra Australis Incognita(unknown continent of the South). For readers ofFood Companion International, kangaroo was an integral ingredient for preparing ‘gourmet’ food for ‘food lovers’. In 2008, the KIAA adopted the marketing slogan (kangaroo meat is) ‘Good For You, Good For The Environment.’ Implicit here is whatconstitutes kangaroo consumption as ‘good’ are environmental scientists’ emphasis on low-methane food production, along with nutritionists’ focus on kangaroo as both a low- cholesterol and high-protein food. Eating kangaroo is promoted as a rational choice. The pleasures of eating are aligned with being sensitive to the planet while lowering cholesterol levels. Hence, the mar- keting of the KIAA exempli es one articula- tion of what Probyn (2012) calls ‘feel-good’ food politics, in which ideals of healthy bodies and sustainability plays out as a badge of social distinction for ‘good’ consumer citizens to seek out what to eat in supermarkets, while shoring up inequalities with Indigenous Aus- tralians [see Slocum (2008) for a discussion of farmers’ markets and Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2013) and Guthman (2003) for a discussion of ‘alternative foods’]. At the outset then, kangaroo meat occupies a paradoxical positioning crossing between discursive constructions of mainstream and gourmet, protected and hunted, friend and pest, farmed and wild, non-Indigenous and Indigenous, foodstuff and non-foodstuff, white and black, self and Other. My focus is on the subjects of these marketing campaigns. My aim is to understand how various power relationships, including the affective and emotional, are negotiated and mobilised through the paradoxical positioning of kan- garoo between these discursive constructions in the political practice of choosing to eat kangaroo (or not). This paper is concerned with the material production of affective and emotional connections among, between and across bodies in relation to eating kangaroo that are integral to meaning, subjectivity and place. The following section discusses how this concern is part of a broader shift in the discipline to centre material forces more fully in accounts of food politics. Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat409 Progress on geographies of food politics Social and cultural geographies have paid considerable attention to food politics (Cook et al.2008; Freidberg2003). One important strand of literature considers the racialised, aged, sexed, gendered and classed meaning attached to particular spaces of food con- sumption—such as homes and restaurants. This strand often draws on, and critiques, Hooks’ (1992) Other-eating arguments which deconstructs race as a naturalised hierarchy of biologically distinct human groups (including Bell and Valentine1997; Cook, Crang, and Thorpe1999; Jackson1999; May1996). Understood within racialised discursive con- structions of food and eating, the commodi- cation and consumption of cultural difference—‘Otherness’—is argued to be sus- tained by a white capitalist patriarchal ‘main- stream’ society to fashion itself as more cosmopolitan and appealing because the encounter is unusual. However, as Heldke (2003) notes, this interpretation on the commodi ed components of food limits our understanding by overlooking the lived experiences of eating that may challenge rather than sustain racialised myths. Another critical response to food politics draws attention to the limits of politicised categories, or regimes of knowledge about food, disseminated through texts. Like so much of the current critical framing of geopolitical issues, in grappling with what foods become accepted and or rejected from our diets, many geographers have chosen to emphasise materiality in their thinking as part of circumventing subject-centred epistem- ologies (Anderson and Wylie2009). Some strands stand out in a eld comprised of multiple and often discordant conceptual positions. One vibrant strand of material food-cultures literature draws on Law andHassard’s (1999) actor network theory to focus on how everyday practices of use intersect with commodity supply chains and agribusinesses. This approach directs atten- tion to how things become food through tracing non-human actants through multiple networks and pathways of a globalised food system (Cook and Harrison2003; Goodman 2004; Roe2006; Whatmore2002). Cook et al. (2006: 659) couched the term ‘food-following’ for this literature that explores how our lives are connected intimately through food to others near and far. One side of this work points to how individual eating practices are shaped not only by sets of ideas, but also through multi-sensory engagement on an everyday basis with the materiality of things that become food (Roe2006). Another side of this work focuses on ethical eating as a biophysical and social process. In particular, foregrounding the interrelationships between living things opens the way to question the ‘organic’ and ‘fair trade’ products as ‘sol- utions’ to uneven post-colonial relationships of production, exchange, contract and invest- ment (Barnett, Cloke, Clarke, and Malpass 2005; Goodman2004; Guthman2008). Guthman (2002) makes the point that net- work approaches to framing food politics by focussing on uidity and change attens out power relations and might foreclose on important aspects in political terms of social formations that pull towards ‘settledness’ and xity. A second strand broadly explores embodied food politics that draws upon ideas of materiality around the spatialities of the lived body, practice, viscerality, ‘gut’ reactions, emotion and affect. Scholars contributing to this broader literature rethinking the materi- ality of bodies include affect scholars (see Anderson2012; Thrift2008) and feminist scholars (see Bondi2005; Thien2005). Some 410Gordon Waitt scholars of embodied food politics have to chosen to work across these conceptual positions (Carolan2011). Feminist geogra- phers such as Hayes-Conroy and Hayes- Conroy (2008) and Longhurst, Johnston, and Ho (2009: 335) advocate for a ‘visceral approach’ as a framework for analysis in order to better understand the reciprocal relationships between bodies and food. Fol- lowing a visceral approach, there is no universal body. Instead, our bodies are connected up to other bodies ‘rhizomatically, with the material (molecular/chemical) con- tent of ideas, beliefs, and social labels’ (Hayes- Conroy and Hayes-Conroy2008: 467). Senses are not solely located in the biological body, but shaped by things and styles from near and far away. For example, Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2008) deployed a visceral approach to critique the politics of the ‘Slow Food’ movement based on biological taste and knowing where and how food was produced. They reconceptualised taste within the visceral realm, recognising that a taste for something cannot be view apart from the political locations we inhabit. Longhurst, Johnston, and Ho (2009) draw on a visceral approach to explore the embodied geographies of food, belonging and home for a group of migrant women in the small city of Hamilton, Aotearoa New Zealand. They explore how home and the diasporic subject are made, remade and unmade through the affective and emotional relationships of food preparation and eating. Like Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2008) and Longhurst, Johnston, and Ho (2009), to explore why preparing and eating kangaroo is not what most Australian house- holds regularly do, I also draw and extend Probyn’s (2000) ideas. Probyn draws on Foucault’s (1994) ethics of the ‘care of the self’, Deleuze and Guattari’s (1987) notion ofthe rhizome, and Mauss’s concept of bodies as psycho-sociological assemblages(1934/1973) in developing her ‘gut ethics’. Following in the footsteps of Mauss’ discussion of the ‘tech- niques of the body’, Probyn (2000: 31 and 32) argued that The connections and interconnections of learned techniques, of imitation, and of the interplay of biological, psychological and social…allows for the past to re-enter the present, but without unilaterally determining us. The biological, psychological and the social are constantly reworked in terms of how at any moment we live our bodies. These modes of living are temporal and spatial, highlight the adaption of learned behaviour and context…. There is then an order to the assemblage, but one that, instead of predicating a ground, questions it. Probyn puts forward a feminist assemblage thinking as a directive to help scholars think anew the materiality of bodies and to appreciate ambiguity. She highlights the visceral to trouble what is knowable. Probyn (2000: 133) provides a twist to Deleuze’s (1997) claim that ‘we do not know what a shameful, shamed, disgusted or disgusting body can do.’ While remaining cognisant of the power/knowledge embedded in discourse, which sustains uneven social relationships, ‘truths’, social norms and the co-training of senses (colours, smells, textures and tastes), these need not be xed. As Probyn (2000) asserts, there are always possibilities of unpredictable shifts in socio-spatial for- mations, despite the weight of power-laden historical trajectories of everyday life prac- tices, as acknowledged by Bourdieu (1984). Probyn suggests that the forces, intensities and trajectories of eating can be constitutive of the spatio-temporal rifting that is alterity, eating is one of the ways that the multiplicity with each Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat411 self is created and one of the ways through which the proximate distance between self and others opens up. The point Probyn makes is that our carnal exchanges that implicate bodies one with another have the potential to contribute to the ongoing process of subjectivity formation. This is an understand- ing of individual food politics not as a substrate of social distinction, but one that implicates the intensity of affect between, across and within bodies as a force of differentiation. Affective intensities that are embodied as emotional registers frame narra- tives and mobilise food choices. The question of how through the sight, smell, texture and taste of food that bodies come to ‘belong’ or be ‘estranged’ in place is vital to my aim. Probyn’s scholarship is helpful in a number of ways. First, the importance of place—shaped by physiology, psychology, and uneven econ- omic, social and cultural power geometries, bodily judgements of aromas, sights, tastes and textures which are always situated, co-consti- tuted and ow over each other. Second, the importance of relationality—the visceral requires remaining alive to the co-training of the brain, nose, ear, eye, ngers and tongue through the social norms of everyday life practices, within assemblages that include things, styles, embodied histories, memories and random events. Third, the importance of visceralities of difference—the visceral requires remaining alert to how different bodies have distinct affective capacities. The intensities of such forces can vary as they pass between, or through, and come to inhabit different bodies, and may be narrated in various ways as they are understood within particular contexts—such as care, shame, disgust, pride and love. The visceral realm is therefore about being able to position oneself in relation to others, and things that shape and reshape understandings of food, subjectivities and spaces. Finally, the visceralpolitics of food is about the intensities of emotional ties and affective forces that spring from the embodied knowledges of shopping, cooking or eating as understood within the context of power geometries that shape our social worlds. The intensi cation of these unconscious and conscious relations may become a mechanism for stability or change. The next section outlines how the project was designed to access the visceral. ‘Bringing-a-plate’, talking, and eating, as method This project involved visiting thirty households during November 2009 through to January 2010 in the regional city of Wollongong, Australia (the third largest city in New South Wales with approximately 202,000 residents, some 80 km south of Sydney, known as the Illawarra region). Wollongong is a provoking site for thinking about changing diets for a changing climate. The white history of Wollongong was built on coal, steel manufacturing and shipping port access. The steel industry continues to wield enormous material and symbolic power in Australia’s carbon economy, despite a larger number of Wollongong residents now employed in either the tertiary or health sectors (Waitt, Forbotko, et al.2012). The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2007) classi ed Wollongong as a climate change adaptation ‘hotspot’, where projected environmental changes on the south- east coast of Australia will interact with population change to exacerbate vulnerability. Perhaps for these reasons, in comparison to Australian residents living elsewhere, people living in Wollongong are statistically more likely to have a higher level of climate change awareness, concern and knowledge (ACF2010). Participants were recruited through a survey entitled: ‘Tough Times? Green Times? A 412Gordon Waitt survey of the issues important to households in the Illawarra.’ This survey provided a snap- shot of household sustainability practices (Waitt, Caputi, et al.2012). Consistent with government statistics on average weekly meat consumption (Ampt and Owen2008), house- holds ate predominantly chicken (90 per cent), beef (85 per cent) and lamb (52 per cent). Only 8 per cent reported regularly eating kangaroo in an average week. Participants were selected purposefully from different household con- gurations, age groups and socio-economic backgrounds. Five lived alone, three were single-parent families, eleven lived only with their husbands, wives or partners, eleven lived in nuclear families (two parents and at least one child). The participants ranged in age from mid-20s to mid-60s. Participants varied in migration histories, occupation, socio- economic status and education. None claimed an Indigenous Australian identity. None were climate change sceptics. All ate red meat, but none ate rabbit or deer. In regards to existing relationships households had with kangaroo, two households regularly ate kangaroo at home, twelve households ate kangaroo but never at home and sixteen households never ate kangaroo. Titled ‘Food Cultures’, this project invited participants to talk about food likes and dislikes around their dining tables, while sharing a jointly prepared meal that included roasted kangaroo prepared by the researcher. Participants were receptive to the idea of the researcher bringing a meat plate to share, as an opportunity to talk about food. During an Australian summer, bringing a plate and eating cold, sliced roast meat is a familiar practice as part of the casual ‘get-together’. Plating-up the meal in participant’s kitchens at dinner/lunch time was an opportunity to talk about food likes and dislikes. The project was pre-planned to coincide with when participants would behungry. Participants were told the roasted cold meat was kangaroo when preparations began for dinner or lunch. The project design remained alive to Law’s comment that ‘food acquires its meanings through the place it is assembled and eaten’ (2001: 275). Verbal and non-verbal visceral responses occurred while plating-up, smelling, looking at, touching and sometimes eating slices of cold roast kangaroo meat within participant’s kitchens. A week before the scheduled conversation, each participant was sent a Participant Information Sheet and asked to complete a chart that outlined their typical weekly main meal pattern. The Participant Information Sheet reminded participants that foods often evoke strong visceral responses. Eating food from the meat plate brought by the researcher wasemphasisedasalwaysoptional.In addition, participants were reminded the semi-structured interview would follow four general themes: (1) normal grocery shopping routines and responsibilities; (2) food likes and dislikes; (3) willingness to taste ‘new’ foods and (4) views on sustainability. While this list is indicative of the project themes, semi- structured interviews became conversational, particularly when plating-up lunch or dinner. Critically re ecting on the researcher’s embodied response is crucial to taste-driven research (Longhurst, Johnston, and Ho2008). Before commencing the project, cooking kangaroo cuts was not part of my usual dietary regime. At the outset then, I learnt how to cook a kangaroo mini-roast, pre-seasoned with herbs and garlic. Alert to the cooking tip not to overcook kangaroo meat to retain moisture and avour, and following the advice of the leading producer of kangaroo meat, I cooked each mini-roast for around 40 minutes, in a 2008C oven. As a white migrant from Scotland who has lived in Australia for more than two decades, and who rarely eats red Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat413 meat, there was nothing initially familiar or pleasurable about the sight, smell, taste or texture of roasting kangaroo meat in my oven. The smell and taste of roast kangaroo did not evoke embodied memories of prior homes or roasts. Over the course of the project, I became aware of how my own culinary practices at home maintained particular embodied ways of belonging in Wollongong—modelled on a blended array of interactions with Australians and other migrants. The anxiety expressed by some participants provided occasions to articulate my own bodily sensations of what it meant to cook, smell, see, touch and taste kangaroo. Regularly cooking, eating and discussing kangaroo with participants allowed for re ection of my own hierarchy of foods, and the role of different foods in my own sensuous and embodied ways of recon guring Wollongong as home. The participants’ home visits were recorded and transcribed verbatim, usually lasting usually about 1.5 to 2 hours. After each home visit, detailed eld-notes recorded how the intensity of bodily felt sensations was communicated by faces, eyes, postures and gestures. Following the lead of Jayne, Valen- tine, and Holloway (2010), I consider through a grounded analysis the ways in which the narratives give clues—not only to what participants think of kangaroo, but through textual imagery, tone and rhythm of speech— to how bodily sensations of kangaroo materi- alities appeal to or repel participants within a particular psychological, physiological and social assemblage. To ensure con dentiality, interviewees were allocated pseudonyms. I begin by exploring why and when kangaroo becomes edible for some bodies familiar with the sensual experiences of eating chicken, beef, pork or lamb. I then turn to investigate why for some participants, kangaroo is always inedible. Appetites for kangaroo In this section, I investigate how kangaroo becomes edible for some participants in spaces beyond the domestic realm. What knowledge/s con gure kangaroo as food, but edible only outside the weekly household practices of dining? Two themes emerged in conducting the eldwork that answers this question by illustrat- ing how class and ethnicity are felt as intensities that have an impact on eating kangaroo: rst, how the pleasures of eating kangaroo are bound up with how white bodies are included in the hegemonies of restaurant food and, second, how kangaroos help posit northern and inland Australia as the ‘outback’ or ‘real’ Australia. Appetites for kangaroo as restaurant food One of the most frequent complaints was that cooking kangaroo did not t into ‘normal’ preparation and dining habits, but that of a ‘gourmet restaurant’ food. Amongst partici- pants there was a general lack of practical and tacit knowledge born of an ignorance of intimacy and familiarity with the materiality of cooking kangaroo as an everyday practice. The material integrity of kangaroo imposed learning demands of its own. Several participants pointed to ‘specialist’ culinary skills and recipes in describing what prevented them cooking kan- garoo at home. Eating kangaroo therefore was often constituted as a restaurant food—cooked by a chef. For example, James, 36 years of age, a professional, divorced, single father, who grew up in Wollongong and enjoys cooking, posi- tioned kangaroo in just such terms: Interviewer: So under what kind of circumstances could you imagine yourself eating kangaroo? James: Well the times that I have eaten it [kangaroo] have been at restaurants….um, it wouldn’t be 414Gordon Waitt something that I would just cook for myself…so in that sense, it would be something specialist I guess…. Jamesreservedeatingkangarootorestau- rants. For James, it was not simply the engagement with the sensual experiences of the unfamiliar practice of eating kangaroo but also the type of care exerted in the preparation of kangaroo meant that James made dining-out on kangaroo special. The pleasure of eating kangaroo served up in restaurants is one of the embodied ways that James designates ‘special’ occasions. Similarly, cooking practice was central to France’s experience of kangaroo meat. Frances, a 55-year-old retired domestic science teacher who moved from Sydney to Wollongong, never considered cooking kangaroo at home: Interviewer: So if you were to eat it [kangaroo], would you envisage yourself eating it with friends or family or would it be by yourself? Frances: More so probably at a restaurant, not cooking it at home, no. Frances reserved eating kangaroo cooked by a chef as part of the shared experience of coming together with friends at a restaurant. Frances, like many people with whom I spoke and ate with, explained the absence of pleasure from eating kangaroo meat was due to her inexperience of cooking kangaroo. Frances also voiced concern that if she cooked kangaroo, the texture may become ‘very tough’. Likewise, as Elsie, a 47-year-old self- employed mother explained, kangaroo requires cooking by a chef: You’ve gotta be so perfect with kangaroo because if you overcook it you might as well just throw it out and if you undercook it, it’s [the outcome is] thesame. And it’s that…just that ne line of cooking kangaroo. Rather than eating kangaroo at home being tied to price or market availability, if Frances or Elsie were doing the cooking, their lack of tacit knowledge derived from kangaroo- related cooking skills would render the texture as ‘tough’ (de Certeau, Giard, and Mayol 1998). James, Frances and Elsie, like many of the participants, underscored that serving- up ‘tough’ food to friends and family would reduce their capacity to connect with their home by how others might make negative judgements about their culinary skills. Appetites for kangaroo as tasting the ‘real’ Australia For many participants, the smell of kangaroo evoked memories of their vacations to inland and northern Australia. The tourism industry of northern and inland Australia has capitalised on the idea of gastro-tourism, pitching kangaroo alongside emu and crocodile as a distinctive Australian ‘bush tucker’ (for other examples of gastro-tourism see Caldwell2006; Costa and Besio2011). Eating kangaroo becomes one way through which to know the ‘real’ Australia, governed by the outback mythology that is steeped in ‘whiteness’ (Waitt1997). However, kangaroo served in most tourist restaurants is not from colonial recipe books, or reliant upon knowledge of Indigenous Australians, but is modelled largely on European Continental cuisine. The outback mythology renders eating kangaroo possible in restaurants, where white bodies tend to stick together. For instance, Alison and Richard illustrate the importance of a set of discourses that are derived from whitened cultural histories of northern Australia, circulated and animated Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat415 by the tourism industry that excites an appetite for kangaroo in restaurants. For Alison and Richard, a retired, married couple aged in their seventies, who for over 40 years had lived in a lower-socio economic suburb of Wollongong, kangaroo had never been part of the everyday tastes and aromas of their kitchen. Instead, Alison cooked primarily beef, pork and chicken roasts and stews. However, for Alison and Richard, kangaroo, crocodile and emu tastes are an essential part of travelling to the Northern Territory to celebrate their 50th wedding anniversary. Interviewer: About trying new foods, have you ever tried kangaroo? Alison: Yes. We went to Central Australia, and we thought we would try everything that was going. Crocodile was the other one….it [kangaroo] was on the menu at Alice Springs, and at Uluru we were at the sort of hotels that would put those things on for the tourists’ interests. Like we were tourists too, and we wanted to experience the taste. We didn’t order it the second night did we? [chuckles] Anyway …. Richard:…. No, we had something different the second night. Alison: I wasn’t fussed, kangaroo had more of a gamey avour, would you say gamey? Richard: Hmm. Alison and Richard illustrate the uncon- scious ways in which whitened cultural histories work to shape the social relations and space of the tourism industry. As Alison suggests, openness to eating kangaroo seems especially important for those who take pride in being a good white tourist. The shared experience of the non-familiar practice and taste made the event important to Alison andRichardinrelationtodifferentiatinginland and northern Australia from their home. Similarly, Lesley’s choice to eat kangaroo was only possible on a holiday to Uluru, Northern Territory. Lesley moved to the northern suburbs of Wollongong from Sydney when she married. She is 36 years of age, has a professional occupation, and takes pleasure in preparing nutritional family meals. Lesley discussed the importance of the shared family experience eating kangaroo in relation to differentiating Uluru from her home. Interviewer: So, have you ever tried kangaroo? Lesley: Yes. Interviewer: What did you think of kangaroo? Lesley: We quite liked it [kangaroo], we all had a try of it. We had a holiday to Ayres Rock [Uluru] and we went out to a function, called The Sounds of Silence, which was like a dinner party out in the outback, it was open air. And they put kangaroo on the menu, and we all tried it, even the children. Yeah, it [kangaroo] tasted just like chicken. [Kangaroo] Was really nice…. But it’s not actually something that I’ve tried to cook myself. It’s just an experience that we had out there, and it reminds me of the holiday out there. Interviewer: Would there be circumstances in which you’d try it [kangaroo] again? Lesley: Probably if I went on holiday to the Northern Territory again because for me it was just a part of a Northern Territory experience. Lesley’s comments point to the ways that food prompts affective ties and emotional bonds between her family and holiday places. The experience of tasting kangaroo at the Sounds of Silence Dinner in the desert con rmed her privileged white status within geographical 416Gordon Waitt imaginaries of the Northern Territory as ‘out- back’. Lesley’s experiences surrounding eating kangaroo point to how white middle-class aesthetics, values and cultural practices come to shape the interaction of bodies in dining spaces designed for tourists. My point is that these are exclusionary dining spaces con gured by the reciprocal relationship between bodies and space—that are predicated on white cultural practices. It was not solely the visceral response of eating kangaroo—that is pleasurable to some people and perhaps disgust evoked in others— but rather the shared experience between diners that are evocative of how interacting bodies help sustain class and ethnic differences and so make, remake and unmake the tourist dining places of the Northern Territory. These partici- pants’ narratives tell us a lot as to how the visceral response of eating kangaroo sustains a sense of individual and collective belonging as a visitor to far-away places likes the Northern Territory, which are underpinned by whiteness, In turn, this visceral response helps make and remake a spatial border between ‘exotic far- away’ places and ‘home’. Like Lesley, Adam illustrates how a spatial border between ‘exotic far-away’ and ‘home’ places is viscerally created and experienced. Adam is a mature-aged student who grew up in Wollongong and lives alone in the house he inherited from his mother. Adam spoke about kangaroo in the context of eating foods he understood as ‘unusual’ when travelling, as a form of encounter that is remarkable, worth- while and memorable. Adam expressed these ideas when plating-up kangaroo for lunch: Adam: It’s a great looking piece [of meat] isn’t it? Interviewer: Yes. Adam: I’ve eaten it [kangaroo] a couple of times and it tastes like a cross between lamb and beef.I was in South Australia travelling around, I’d been up in the Flinders Ranges and I came down Brachina Gorge in the old Subaru, the old 44, came out in the western sides and there’s a little place called Parachilna, great little old country pub there and some cockie’s wife was running it and her kitchen was just brilliant and I looked at the menu and thought: “Oh that’s just mad” [great]. And, I ordered the kangaroo salad…. And, it was just like this is perfect and so exotic. I had it [kangaroo] once or twice back in Sydney when I was up there…I couldn’t imagine not having an adventurous palate, like it would be just so boring…I am not really a ‘real meat and three veg’ kind of guy. They [men he meets at the pub] are just really conservative in their taste…. A lot of people are just meat and three veg. I was talking to this guy yesterday at the pub and he was really conservative and he was just meat and three veg and I go: “Have you ever tried Lebanese food?” “Nah”, Thai? “Nah”. Adam illustrates how food choices are integral to notions of the self. For Adam, seeking out foods constituted as ‘exotic’ was an integral ingredient to forge a subject of gender and class difference, distinction and ‘Other- ness’. As argued by Heldke (2003) there is both pleasure and prestige to be gained from eating items categorised as ‘exotic’. Adam’s ‘bodily ways-of-judging’ (Hayes-Conroy and Hayes- Conroy2008: 489) perhaps help explain why he does not value the idea of cooking and eating kangaroo at home. As I have said I’ve not cooked it [kangaroo] myself, I have only ever eaten it out, but I certainly have no qualms with the avour of it. I mean it really is a cross between lamb and beef isn’t it?…and, I must admit I pass by it at Woolies [Woolworths supermarket] all the time, because they sell it now. His pleasure was intensi ed by the material ‘adventure’ of kangaroo tasting as Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat417 a cross between lamb and beef. Viscerally trained for identi cation with kangaroo tastes as exotic helps Adam to establish and maintain class and gendered differences while touring or dining out. Adam regularly sights kangaroo meat products in the super- market. Found wrapped in plastic in the supermarket-fridge perhaps renders kan- garoo too domesticated, too tame and too familiar an ingredient to incorporate into Adam’s home cooking. No appetite for kangaroo In this section, I draw on my empirical material to explore those participants with no appetite for kangaroo, regardless of place. I highlight the bodily judging arising from the sight, touch, taste and smell from plating-up kangaroo. The rst theme that facilitated kangaroo becoming inedible related to how shopping and cooking involve a thoroughly embodied set of practices to help differentiate between meats. The second theme was visceral disgust. Bodily and verbal expressions of visceral disgust suggested that kangaroo smells contravened the affective forces and emotional bonds that comprise home and self. Participants illustrate the importance of appreciating the affective inter- actions between different bodies in maintaining bodily and spatial boundaries. Bodily judging of kangaroo meat Coming to terms with why participants choose not to eat kangaroo involved paying attention to the bodily ways of judging kangaroo meat in different contexts. Visual engagement with the materialities of kangaroo in butchers and supermarkets emerged as a key component of visceral responses. The following quotation is illustrative of the affective forces and emotionsinvolved in witnessing displays of kangaroo in supermarkets. Gwen responded to the ques- tion: Have you seen kangaroo for purchase? Gwen: Yes, in Woolies [Woolworths supermarket]. It was a maroon red. Gwen is 60 years of age, a grandmother, and moved from a country town to Wollon- gong when she married. Gwen was not alone in her evaluation. Those participants who witnessed kangaroo in the supermarket frequently used the terms ‘maroon’, ‘blood red’, ‘really dark’ or ‘too dark’. The difference I sensed from these participants’ visceral response to sighting kangaroo is predicated by a thoroughly embodied set of practices. To gain proximity to chicken, beef, lamb or pork, participants had learned to be affected by the supermarket displays. Through extended periods of shopping, participants were nowunable to take cues from the colour of meat to evaluate freshness and quality. Participants had not cultivated an embodied ‘feel’ for kangaroo meat. Following Deleuze and Guattari (1987: 272), we can think of food shopping as a process of becoming molecular or becoming imperceptible. We do not want to be chicken, beef, lamb or pork. But through repeated acts of shopping and cooking, we achieve a ‘molecular proximity’ with chosen foods through the responses of the forces our bodies ‘perceive’ (Deleuze and Guattari1987: 272). From a Deleuzian perspective, participants’ bodies lacked ‘molecular proximity’ to kan- garoo meat and responded to felt differences. Several participants also spoke of strong visceral reactions around the materialities of kangaroo tastes and textures. Importantly for this project, these bodily judgements worked against the incorporation of kangaroo tastes into those of everyday home life. For example, 418Gordon Waitt Angela is aged 40, an administrative assistant who grew up in Wollongong, and lives in an af uent northern suburb with her husband and 7-year-old son. Finding cooking a burden, Angela cooks quick and convenient meals at home including spaghetti bolognaise, pizza, stir-fry beef or buys barbequed chicken. Although Angela enjoys trying new foods, she was not excited about kangaroo taste. Angela: I’m not fussed. It’s [kangaroo] a very strong, gamey avour to it. I know it’s low in fat, no cholesterol, is really good for you, high in iron, all that jazz, it’s farmed quite humanely, blah, blah, blah, but that’s just me, I don’t like the taste of it [kangaroo]. Emphasising the body, affect and ideas, Angela illustrates how food provisioning is not inevi- tably tied to public health logics of nutrition or even animal activists’ ethics. Food preferences cannot be explained solely as a discursive project following Foucault’s (1995) ideas of disciplinary institutional procedures and self-regulating subjects. As Probyn (2000) makes clear, it is imperative to open a theoretical space to consider the affective energies and emotional ties that underpin the practices, ethics and politics of eating. Within the domestic geogra- phy of food provisioning, the ‘strong’ and ‘gamey avours’ do not help Angela sustain affective ties or emotional bonds to the place that she calls home, or different conceptions of who she is when at home. Several other participants also reported that while having no ideological objection to eating kangaroo, the gamey avour did not connect with tastes that help sustain their emotional bonds and affective ties with home. Like Angela, Pauline describes how she did not viscerally connect with kangaroo as the texture or taste was ‘tough’ and ‘strong’. Pauline was born in Wollongong. She isdivorced, a grandmother, aged in her fties and lives alone in the southern outskirts of Wollongong. Pauline’s experiences cooking as somewhat loathsome. She normally prepared stir-fry sauces for chicken or beef because they are ‘soft’, ‘not stringy’, ‘easy to digest’, ‘quick’ and ‘simple’. Declining to eat kangaroo, Pauline re ected: When I tried it [kangaroo] I just thought it was…tough. Yes, a sort of strong meat…. Eating kangaroo was deeply affective. Like Angela, Pauline explains she has no appetite for kangaroo as it is ‘strong’ and ‘tough’ meat. With their reticence, Angela and Pauline illustrate how kangaroo tastes and textures may not connect viscerally with a thoroughly embodied set of culinary practices, labour, skills and social relations that comprise everyday home life and the subjectivities of a ‘good’ grandparent or parent. For these women, serving up kangaroo at the family dinner table runs the risk of meal times becomingamomentofcriticismand displacement. The strongest visceral responses, however, were associated with kangaroo smells. Such ndings align with Pink’s (2004) argument that olfactory conventions are deeply embedded in home life. For some, smell evoked memories of being brought into close contact with ‘harvesting’ practices and the horror of what it means about the person eating kangaroo. For example, Rebecca is a 52-year-old real estate agent who was born in Broken Hill (far western New South Wales), but now lives with her partner in an af uent northern suburb of Wollongong. She thinks of herself as ‘really Aussie’. Rebecca never cooks pasta or rice dishes at home. Informed by British culinary traditions, she only cooks ‘meat and veggies’. The intensity of visceral Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat419 disgust registered by Rebecca while serving up kangaroo prompted connections to her youth in Broken Hill. She recalled memories of her uncle’s work as a professional kangaroo shooter and kangaroo butcher. Interviewer: Would you be interested in tasting kangaroo? Rebecca: No. I just can’t. I just think I couldn’t eat it [kangaroo]. But, my background is, coming from Broken Hill, my uncle, up to the age of 45, he was a professional ‘roo [kangaroo] shooter…and so he’d kill them, bring them in off the land. And there’s only so many licences they give out and now his son does it, and that’s what he does he makes a lot of money out of it. And so, they do it for pet meat only. And to cull them, because they’re a menace to farmers…. No, never tried it…I don’t like the smell actually. I can remember walking in when we were little to where they [roo shooters] brought them [kangaroo carcasses] all back, and they obviously butcher them then, and the smell of it [look of disgust]. I’m sure it’s not like that everywhere, but that’s just what I remember. Smelling kangaroo was also deeply affective. The kangaroo smell evokes hurting memories of the abattoir where kangaroos were butch- ered for pet food. Kangaroo smells act to bring Rebecca into an intimate and uncomfortable relation of proximity with butchering prac- tices. Rebecca is aware of pastoral discourses to frame kangaroos as a pest within the agrarian economy and pet food. Rebecca is revolted by ingesting some essence of brutality imparted to the kangaroo. Paying attention to the intensity of smells tell us how foods’ sensual qualities fold embodied pasts into the present. Other participants spoke about the discon- nection between the aromas of home and cooking kangaroo meat. How the taste andsmell of cooking helps to create a domestic space where the body feels ‘at home’ cannot be ignored in explaining why kangaroo is not regularly found in most Australian household weekly meal plans. The aroma of cooked kangaroo often promoted visceral disgust. For instance, Donna, a 33-year-old mother of two, and Bridget, a 50-year-old grandmother, like many of participants, illustrate how serving up kangaroo at home felt revolting: Interviewer: It’s kangaroo meat. Donna: Oh you’re kidding. Yuck, kangaroo. Aarrrghhh! I’d rather eat no meat. I don’t like the smell of it [kangaroo]. I don’t like the look. I love lamb. I don’t like the thought of eating Skippy [the bush kangaroo]. They sell it in the supermarket. But a lot of ‘em [kangaroos]…they are getting rid of ‘em like that [being shot], they are a pest. Bridget: Yes because they are a pest…Ithought with the meat, with the meat like that, with the worms and that, that’s why you’ve gotta cook it slow. Donna: It’s [kangaroo] yuck [spitting kangaroo meat from her mouth]. First, like Rebecca, Donna and Bridget make sense of killing kangaroos not as food but as a form of pest eradication to retain a commercial agricultural economy. When cate- gorised as a pest, kangaroo is relegated to the pet-food bowl, not the family dinner table. Second, working against eating kangaroo are those like Donna who label kangaroos as ‘Skippy’—implying a desire to designate kangaroos as an anthropomorphised child- hood friend from a popular 1960s Australian television series. Donna illustrates what the kangaroo industry dubs ‘Skippy syndrome—a reluctance to eat what was for many, the lead character in a favourite childhood television series’ (Porter2006: 34). 420Gordon Waitt Pushing into the body, at a gut register, Donna’s body evoked visceral disgust. As Probyn’s (2000) assemblage thinking cogently points out, explanations for disgust cannot be reduced to biology, physiology, psychology or power geometries that shape and reshape social worlds. Taking Probyn’s (2000)con- ceptualisation of disgust as a starting point of analysis, visceral disgust reveals itself through proximity, sight and closeness of smell and touch. Donna’s disgust at eating kangaroo provides a visceral reminder of how bodies, through eating, embody social contexts and cultural expectations. The disgust with which Donna responds speaks to how the kangaroo as a ‘wormed pest destined for the pet-bowl’ is dangerous as a family dinner. Donna’s immediate and apparently unambivalent phys- iological reaction illustrates Tomkins’ (1991: 14) point that disgust has ‘evolved to protect the human being from coming too close’. Or as Sarah Ahmed put it: ‘to be disgusted is after all to be affected by what one had rejected’ (Ahmed2004:86emphasisinoriginal). Following Tomkins (1991), Donna’s disgust should be considered a re exive, affective response through the recognition of a bound- ary between the edible and inedible. Keeping Probyn’s framework in mind suggests that visceral disgust may alert Donna to the ambiguous relationship she has with kangaroo that has come ‘too close’ in plating-up dinner. As Probyn (2000: 142) argues ‘disgust forces upon us a tangible sense of the closeness of others: we feel the proximities of objects and people that we fear will invade our bodies through our mouths.’ Having acknowledged the taste and smell of kangaroo as disgusting in the social cultural frameworks of domestic life, Donna must confront the disgust lodged against her body in the everyday challenges of measuring up to sustaining the affective and emotional ties of domestic life. Donnarecon gured the boundary between what is edible and inedible at home by spitting out her kangaroo meat. Donna’s rejection of eating kangaroo at home is based not only on social and cultural expectations of kangaroos as a cute childhood friend and/or pest, but also the affective ties and emotional bonds of family life promoted by the (pleasurable) smell and sight of cooking lamb. The affective work of visceral disgust in forging social groups and making sense of self and home is also demonstrated by Elizabeth, a 59-year-old chief executive of cer, who grew up in Wollongong and lives with her husband in the southern suburbs. She does not identify as an ‘adventurous eater’. Elizabethexpressedaloveofredmeat, particularly roast beef. Drawing on a visceral approach, her love of roast beef may be examined as emotion that energises the labour of social reproduction and maintains strong connection with British culinary legacies. Elizabeth expressed intense revul- sion at kangaroo aromas. Pulling back from the container of roast kangaroo, and screw- ing up her nose, Elizabeth said: Can I just tell you one of the things that I don’t like about it [kangaroo] is the smell of it. To me it has a very distinct smell. Kangaroo meat and I don’t like that smell, so maybe that is something why I won’t eat it. Do you reckon it’s got a distinct smell? I do notice there is a very strong smell about it, and I think that’s what puts me off. Like I said, because, I don’t eat it. I don’t look at it. Do you know what I mean? I don’t take any notice of it. Elizabeth’s visceral disgust illustrates how kangaroo meat makes felt the ‘closeness of incommensurate categories’ (Probyn2000: 140); in this case, the boundary of the inedible and edible. Having experienced disgust from being in close proximity to kangaroo meat, Embodied geographies of kangaroo meat421 like Donna, Elizabeth asks: Do you reckon [believe] it’s [kangaroo] got a distinct smell? Elizabeth calls for reassurances that I share her judgement of kangaroo as disgusting. The affective work of disgust is demonstrated by how Elizabeth aligns her food choices with British culinary traditions of roast beef. Here is an example of the intersection of disgust and the political work of affect. Disgust is transferredontokangarooasawayof bonding with others in relation to particular social norms (Probyn2000). In her everyday life, the personal is very clearly the political as Elizabeth avoids the uncomfortable feeling of disgust by avoiding close proximity to kangaroo. In Elizabeth’s words: ‘I don’t eat it [kangaroo]. I don’t look at it…I don’t take any notice of it.’ Elizabeth draws attention to how she actively seeks not to confront the visceral disgust she experiences in her body from eating or seeing kangaroo in the super- market. Avoiding kangaroo may be an every- day strategy to avoid addressing food provisioning practices that trouble neat boundaries, distinguishing humans from ani- mals, edible from inedible, home from else- where, and colonial from Australian Indigenous narratives of belonging. Conclusion There is a great deal of government policy talk in Australia to substitute kangaroo for sheep as an integral part of changing diets for a changing climate. Kangaroo diets is just one example of how the neo-liberal state relies upon position- ing households as shouldering the lion’s burden of reducing greenhouse gas emis- sions despite ongoing neoliberalisation of industry (Castree2010). Moreover, the neoliberal state positions the subject within climate change programs, as both a rational‘consumer’ (Slocum2004) and ‘responsible, carbon-calculating individual’ (Dowling 2010: 492). I argue that understanding embodied geographies of shopping, cooking and eating kangaroo illustrates the current disconnect between the tools of neoliberal climatechangepoliciesandthewayfoodis bought, prepared and eaten in everyday life. Embodied geographies provide vital clues to how the sensual body, affect and emotions work alongside sets of ideas about food, parenting, home and travel, to better understand the choices that compel partici- pants to eat or not eat kangaroo in different places. First, I drew attention to the visceralities of difference by illustrating how eating kan- garoo was something some participants felt could best be performed in the comfort of a restaurant during a holiday to inland or northern Australia. For these participants, kangaroo remains con atedwithidealised and essentialised white cultural histories of kangaroo as ‘bush tucker’ that is mapped ontotothespacesandsubjectivitiesof tourism. White bodies eating kangaroo in restaurants of inland and northern Australia constitute each other as ‘normal’, moral and essential. Second, I highlighted how meat consumers use eyes, ngers, tongues, mouths and noses to give voice to chicken, beef, lamb and pork as fresh, tasty or good quality. Switching the senses to shop, prepare and eat kangaroo requires a realignment of the consumer’s body. Participants generally lacked the embodied skills to the particularities of kangaroo esh, voicing concern that the material properties of cooked kangaroo would be strong, tough and stringy. Third, I demonstrated that at home, many participants had to confront and wrestle with the paradoxical cultural framing of kangar- 422Gordon Waitt oos. I drew attention to how visceral disgust allows subjectivity to be felt, expressed and questioned through a heightened awareness and blurring of an acceptable social order that underpins industrial food supply chains. Eating kangaroo transgressed the social borders between edible/inedible, proximity/ distance, past/present, mind/body, human/ animal faeces/food and wild/farmed. Most participants did not choose to hide their disgust ‘under the surface of a sanitised veneer of acceptance’ (Probyn2000: 128). Instead, bringing a plate and plating-up dinner pro- vided an opportunity to explore the ways participants’ visceral disgust aligns and rea- ligns bodies within the power geometries that shape home. More work is required by social and cultural geographers to engage with the visceral in the eld of food politics. Furthermore, in the context of changing climates, there is value in drawing on a visceral approach and embodied methodologies that engages with the affective, emotional and discursive dimensions of everyday life. A visceral approach may help to better under- stand, and question, the choices that inform a wide range of everyday homemaking practices that emit greenhouse gases such as cooling, driving, entertaining, laundering, refriger- ation, showering, heating and cooling. Embo- died geographical knowledge provides valuable insights to the challenges of a changing climate by offering possibilities to move beyond highly simpli ed assumptions often present in neoliberal policies of people as rational ‘consumers’ by remaining alert to ‘gut reactions’. Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank the participants who generously gave their time. I am indebtedto the help of research assistants Bryce Appleby, Rebecca Bamford and Stephanie Toole. I am also grateful for the constructive and generous guidance on earlier drafts from four anonymous referees, Michael Brown, David Clifton, Carol Farbotko, Theresa Harada, Lesley Head, Andrew Gorman- Murray and Catherine Phillips. Funding for this project was provided by the Australian Research Council Discovery Grant,Making less space for carbon: cultural research for climate change mitigation and adaptation [DP0986041]. References Ahmed, S. (2004)The Cultural Politics of Emotion. 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(2008) Native wildlife on rangeland to minimise methane and produce lower- emission meat: kangaroos versus livestock,Conserva- tion Letters1: 119 – 128. Abstract translations Incarnations ge ´ographiques de la viande de kangourou Un nombre croissant de chercheurs dans le domaine de la ge ´ographie sociale et culturelle s’inte ´resse a ` l’e ´tude de la nourriture a n d’explorer les questions e ´thiques, civiques et sociales. Je de ´veloppe les analyses en m’appuyant sur le visce ´ral. En puisant dans le travail the ´orique d’Elspeth Probyn, je soumets que manger re ´ve `le l’ambigu ¨ite ´fondamen- tale d’incarnation, nous permettant de traiter des visce ´ralite ´s de diffe ´rence telles que nous les comprenons dans le contexte de ge ´ome ´tries du pouvoir qui forment et reforment les politiques alimentaires. Cette analyse est promue par le fait que le gouvernement du Commonwealth australien soutient les suggestions de la part de scienti ques environnementaux de remplacer le kangourou des repas familiaux par le be ´tail d’e ´levage pour diminuer l’e ´mission de gaz a `effet de serre. J’examine les gou ˆts pour le kangourou lors de conversations alors me ˆme qu’il e ´tait servi, et quelquefois dige ´re ´par des blancs dans les cuisines et les salles-a `-manger de trente foyers de Wollon- gong, New South Wales. Pour expliquer ou `le kangourou est rendu immangeable ou comestible, je me sers de la reconnaissance du fait que le domaine visce ´ral – raconte ´a `travers les aro ˆmes, les gou ˆts et le toucher – donne un aperc u du lieu, de lasubjectivite ´, des compe ´tences repre ´sente ´es et des politiques alimentaires. Mots-clefs:visce ´ral, politiques alimentaires, kan- gourou, foyer, Australie. Geograf ´as corporales de carne de canguro Una creciente a ´rea de estudio en la geograf ´a social y cultural ha puesto su intere ´s en el ana ´lisis de alimentos para explorar cuestiones e ´ticas, c ´vicas y sociales. Las cr ´ticasson desarrolladas a trave ´sde un compromiso con lo visceral. Basa ´ndose en el trabajo teo ´rico de Elspeth Probyn, se sostiene que el comer revela la ambigu ¨edad fundamental de lo corpo ´reo, lo que permite observar las visceralidades de la diferencia tal como se las entiende en el contexto de las geometr ´asde poder que modela y remodela la pol ´tica alimentaria. Este ana ´lisis es promovido por sugerencias de cient ´ cos ambien- tales aprobadas por el gobierno australiano de la Commonwealth, las cuales indican que las comidas en los hogares que incluyen canguro deber ´an ser sustituidas por ganado de cr ´a para reducir las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. Se investiga el apetito por la carne de canguro mientras es servido a la mesa, y a veces cuando se digiere, por individuos de raza blanca en cocinas y comedores dentro de treinta hogares en Wollongong, Nueva Gales del Sur. Para explicar do ´nde el canguro se considera no comestible, o comestible, se reconoce que el reino visceral–narrado a trave ´s de aromas, sabores y tacto–ofrece un entendimiento ma ´s claro acerca del lugar, la subjetividad, las destrezas integradas y la pol ´ticaalimentaria. Palabras claves:visceral, pol ´tica alimentaria, canguro, hogar, Australia. 426Gordon Waitt Copyright ofSocial &Cultural Geography isthe property ofRoutledge anditscontent may not becopied oremailed tomultiple sitesorposted toalistserv without thecopyright holder’s express writtenpermission. However,usersmayprint, download, oremail articles for individual use.
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Digital geographies  Characterized uneven geographies of underlying infrastructure, resources and site of creation  Distinct digital media geographies of the internet games, and social media  Who gets to have a pc or a laptop personally? Not everyone can have access to these items. Determines who gets to create and watch content. Where you live can impact what kind of content you are allowed to view due to government control.     Doing digital geographies              Digital technologies alter how geographers engage with research and he digital world; new questions / lines in inquiry              Digital devices: e.g., computers, satellites & GPS, smartphones, audio and video and recordings etc.,               Doing digital geographies              Computational technologies: storing analyzing and sharing data, creating and circulating texts, visualizations and maps, podcasts and presentation slides?              Digital platforms redefines ‘in the field’; digital content new form of data/evidence  Digital food cultures              Since emergence of personal computing, the internet and world wide web in 1980s and 1990s digital media has created novel opportunities and spaces/places to represent and share food culture via content creation              Diverse portrayals of food preparation and consumption activities: Websites, blogs, and online discussion forums. Social media, mobile devices and apps.  Everything from diet, nutrition, and recipe apps       Pizza hut experiment              In 1994 pizza hut conducted an experiment called pizza net. It was a webpage designed to order pizza online in Kansas. Once your order was place they would call to confirm your order. You would still have to pay with cash when the pizza was delivered. Interact was not an option. This was considered a mile stone in food ordering digitization.   Digital food cultures – food apps              Nominate our geolocation to:  Show where we are consuming food; rate & rank restaurants. Share dietary and cooking practices & view those of others. Engage in food activism. Connect with those with similar dietary beliefs. Locate and order foodstuff and food-related products.              Hundreds of food related apps on apples app store and google play  Games, meal planning, calorie-counting, restaurant booking, food ordering… etc.,     There’s an app for food waste activism              Too good to go connects consumers with businesses with surplus food. Started in Europe in 2016; 2021 Canada wide. Surprise bad at 1/3 of the cost. Surplus food availability posted with a designated pickup time window.              Has positive benefits since companies can earn a little extra money on food that would have ended up in the trash, can bring in new customers that never knew about the restaurant before, people can get a decent amount of food and not have to spend a ridiculous amount of money.     Amazon food              Amazon fresh is a grocery store in the states where everything is purchased in person but still using the amazon account. It does not have any cashiers  you do it all yourself.              Amazon grocery allows people to get whatever they want so long as it’s not super perishable on the same or next day. The idea is that you don’t need to have a physical grocery store in the future. Most of the stuff you’ll find on amazon grocery is very processed and heavily packaged.     Social media and food              Studies show one of the most common form of selfie uploaded to social media: Instagram, Facebook, and Pinterest are food selfies. “every day digital engagement”              Showing food itself, or people cooking, preparing to eat or in act of eating food. #foodporn – describes aestheticized visual (verbal) representations of food: focus on ‘desire-inducing’ This is the most used hashtag in relation to food     Food and social media influencers              Important in drawing attention to food cultures and trends. Can be established celebrities (e.g., Gwyneth Paltrow, Jamie Oliver,) or unknown who established a bran via social media.              Lifestyle influencers focus on everyday life: diet food prep, food preservation, sustainable consumption etc.,              Impact? Can be positive and negative. Ex; Jamie Oliver took power of social media. Used his popularity to get into politics. He got into the epidemic of childhood obesity, school cafeteria food reform. He had a campaign called food revolution to get more people involved in cooking and eating healthier in a non-intimidating way. Tried to do this in the us wasn’t as big of a success as it was in the uk. Gwyneth Paltrow’s GOOP daily diet is not a healthy diet it is a starvation diet. A popular public figure is advocating for a starvation diet can negatively influence people to eat poor diets.     Food and social media influencers              Content creation platforms vastly expanded opportunities for non-experts to engage in digital food culture/geography              Affordance contributed to extraordinary shift of food media from realm of experts to that of amateurs              (Apparent) authenticity over accuracy? Personal brand/ micro-celebrity status. Speak to camera, share insight from personal daily life including food prep and eating; develop rapport / feel personal connection              People will more readily believe what they see on social media than the proper experts. Sometimes it is very hard to tell the difference between and expert and an amateur.

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